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FM","link":"/"}},"news_11986893":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986893","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986893","score":null,"sort":[1716238823000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"californias-budget-decisions-influenced-by-politics-not-data","title":"California's Budget Decisions Influenced by Politics, Not Data","publishDate":1716238823,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California’s Budget Decisions Influenced by Politics, Not Data | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Frustration came through loud and clear as legislators hurled question after question at the head of the state’s homelessness interagency council: Why, after years of planning and billions of dollars invested, is there so \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/reports/2023-102-1/#:~:text=as%20of%202023.-,Figure%201,-California%E2%80%99s%20Population%20of\">little to show for the effort\u003c/a>?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You come into a budget committee, and there’s no numbers,” Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/philip-ting-30\">Phil Ting\u003c/a>, a San Francisco Democrat, said at the May 6 Assembly committee hearing. “Why is it taking so long?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/vince-fong-100939\">Vince Fong\u003c/a>, a Bakersfield Republican, took issue with the council, saying it needed more money to compile the data. And \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/christopher-ward-35497\">Chris Ward\u003c/a>, a Democrat from San Diego, said he’d been asking the same questions since 2022: “The fact that we’re still now, three years later here as a state is incredibly frustrating because that guides our decision-making here as a budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even without a full picture of how well the homelessness spending is working, Gov. Gavin Newsom is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/may-revise-2024-homeless-housing/\">proposing cuts to cover the state’s budget deficit\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s just one example of how the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/budget/\">state budget\u003c/a> gets put together, often without fully knowing if a program is paying off. Revenue dictates decisions, and voter-passed initiatives direct some spending. After that, legislators use any available data, negotiate with other officials and listen to their constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and interest groups also lobby them. (More than 650 organizations spent money lobbying on the budget, as well as other issues.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the 2024–25 budget now before the Legislature, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">released a revised plan earlier this month\u003c/a> that calls for dipping into reserves, canceling some new spending and cutting existing programs to cover a remaining shortfall of $27.6 billion. The independent Legislative Analyst’s Office, which assesses the budget picture through different calculations, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4902\">cites the deficit as $55 billion\u003c/a>, though it generally agrees with Newsom’s overall view of the state’s finances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11981977,news_11985695,news_11985798\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Today and through this week, the Assembly and Senate will \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/schedules-publications/assembly-daily-file\">conduct hearings\u003c/a> on Newsom’s proposals. The Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-budget-2023/\">faces a June 15 deadline to approve its version\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/jesse-gabriel-160858\">Jesse Gabriel\u003c/a>, who leads the Assembly budget committee, noted that only a handful of legislators have dealt with a deep deficit before. The state had \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-budget-whiplash/\">a record budget surplus as recently as two years ago\u003c/a>, thanks to federal pandemic aid and a roaring stock market; the last lengthy recession \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/content/pubs/report/R_1211SBR.pdf\">ended in 2009\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a new experience for a lot of people,” the Democrat from Encino told CalMatters. “I think we’re going to have to work really hard together to get on the same page and do the best we can in a really difficult situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State bases money needs on prior year\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Addressing California’s deficit is a two-part equation, where increasing revenue could help. But Newsom has ruled out increasing taxes and instead emphasized “right-sizing expenditures,” telling legislators they shouldn’t expect bills with high price tags to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Gabriel, the May 6 hearing by the revamped accountability and oversight committee hints at an appetite for culture change in the Legislature — though one that could take time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be doing a lot more data-driven decision-making about which programs and services are really delivering results for Californians,” he told CalMatters. “For us, that metric is not. Did the money go out the door? But was it impactful? Did it make a difference in results for the people it was intended to serve?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986898\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051024_Newsom-Budget_FG_CM_1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986898\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051024_Newsom-Budget_FG_CM_1.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman wearing glasses stands to the left of TV screen that reads "Governor's Budget May Revision 2024-25."\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051024_Newsom-Budget_FG_CM_1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051024_Newsom-Budget_FG_CM_1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051024_Newsom-Budget_FG_CM_1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051024_Newsom-Budget_FG_CM_1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051024_Newsom-Budget_FG_CM_1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051024_Newsom-Budget_FG_CM_1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom unveiled his revised 2024–25 budget proposal at the Capitol Annex Swing Space in Sacramento on May 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California currently uses “incremental budgeting:” Each department’s or program’s funding request starts with what they spent last year, updated with best estimates of what they need in the coming year. Also known as “baseline budgeting,” it’s the most common approach states take, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://archive.ncsl.org/Portals/1/Documents/lscc/Budgeting-101_%20Legislative-Staff-Certificate-Program_101322_35452.pdf\">National Conference of State Legislatures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some public analysis of how programs are working comes from the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office and state agencies, sometimes at the request of lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, a CalMatters analysis published in February \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/02/california-laws-are-they-working/\">found that 70% of the 1,118 state agency reports\u003c/a> on how laws were working due in the past year had not been submitted to the Office of Legislative Counsel, which keeps reports. And about half of those that were filed were late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s budgeting approach is in contrast to two other systems: performance-based budgeting and zero-based budgeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Performance-based budgeting ties funding to how well programs meet their goals and allows departments more flexibility to use any savings. The data-driven approach can create more transparency, according to \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/sites/abgt.assembly.ca.gov/files/PBB%20%282%29.pdf\">research commissioned by the Assembly’s Budget Committee in 2012\u003c/a>. But it’s difficult to implement and can be inequitable, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures — for example, by linking school funding to test scores.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under zero-based budgeting, agency budgets start each year from $0. But no state uses the system in its true form, the conference notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While more states are moving towards \u003ca href=\"https://documents.ncsl.org/wwwncsl/Center%20for%20Results%20Driven%20Governing/Evidence-to-Drive-Better-Results_02.pdf\">performance-based budgeting\u003c/a> — including Minnesota, New Mexico and Utah — more comprehensive efforts to change California’s system have fizzled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Fong, who is vice chairperson of the Assembly budget committee, introduced a bill requiring state agencies to use zero-based budgeting, but the measure has \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1964\">not been heard in committee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2011, then-Gov. Jerry Brown vetoed a bill requiring state agencies to use performance-based budgeting, saying it would impose a ‘’one size fits all” budget planning process on every state agency and function.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The politically expedient course would be to sign this bill and bask in the pretense that it is some panacea for our budget woes,” he wrote in his veto message. “But the hard truth is that this bill will mandate thousands of hours of work — at the cost of tens of millions of dollars — with little chance of actual improvement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Brown advocated what he described as a common sense approach to budgeting that would examine whether some programs or departments should exist at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Performance-based budgeting also has downsides: A program that’s underperforming may still deserve funding, lobbyist Kristina Bas Hamilton said. “That should be what the policy and budget-making process is about, is having that dialogue,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just looking at departments or programs doesn’t show the full picture of state spending, argues Scott Graves, budget director of the California Budget & Policy Center, an advocacy and policy group. That’s because of business and other tax breaks, which are typically renewed year after year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rarely do policymakers come back around and ask, ‘Do they still make sense? Are they effective? Are they achieving the goal for which they were created?’ And as a result, we end up with a lot of waste on the tax expenditure side of the budget,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re going to argue for greater scrutiny of state spending and asking what we’re getting for our money, we need to do that not just on the budget side, but we also need to do it on the tax expenditure side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Giving taxpayers a voice\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Where data doesn’t tell the whole story of which programs are worth funding, public input can fill in some gaps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Senate President Pro Tem \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/mike-mcguire-93\">Mike McGuire\u003c/a> and Gabriel told CalMatters that the budget hearings from January through June are key to the decision-making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire said his office also receives thousands of comments from the public — emails, postcards, requests for meetings and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not just one source of feedback, but multiple sources of feedback. And by the way, that’s the way it should be,” he said in an interview with CalMatters. “It’s coming from the public, from members themselves, shaped by their lived experiences and opinions, through advocates for nonprofits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/california-budget-cuts/\">Various interest groups have mobilized\u003c/a> to push back on Newsom’s proposed cuts, including rallies at the Capitol or through virtual campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julie Baker, CEO of CA Arts Advocates, said building coalitions has helped the arts community secure funding from legislators in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to know what their constituents care about, and showing up and telling them that we oppose, in this case, the arts cuts — letting them know how that will impact their own communities — is critical for them to understand the decisions that they’re making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Greater transparency can help the public form an opinion about state spending, but getting that information isn’t easy. State Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/roger-niello-165442\">Roger Niello\u003c/a>, a Roseville Republican, introduced a bill that would have \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1114?slug=CA_202320240SB1114\">required state agencies to post their expenditures\u003c/a> in a clear and accessible way for the public, but the Senate’s appropriations committee \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/05/california-legislature-bills-budget-deficit/\">killed the bill in last week’s “suspense file” hearings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986899\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051524-Budget-Rally-RL-CM-04.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986899\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051524-Budget-Rally-RL-CM-04.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people pose and hold signs and balloons outside.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051524-Budget-Rally-RL-CM-04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051524-Budget-Rally-RL-CM-04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051524-Budget-Rally-RL-CM-04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051524-Budget-Rally-RL-CM-04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051524-Budget-Rally-RL-CM-04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051524-Budget-Rally-RL-CM-04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People rallied at the Capitol in Sacramento in protest of proposed budget cuts on May 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Renee Lopez/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On May 1, advocacy groups California Budget & Policy Center, Catalyst California and the Million Voters Project launched the \u003ca href=\"https://www.budgetpowerproject.org/\">Budget Power Project\u003c/a>, which plans to hold workshops to understand the budget, as well as lessons on how to advocate — at cities and counties as well as the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was conceived during the windfall of federal pandemic aid to ensure that money reached communities most in need — and out of a concern that budgets are often crafted in the shadows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bas Hamilton — who wrote a book on how to advocate in the Legislature — said the power of public input shouldn’t be underestimated and challenged the notion that the same people, or the loudest people, advocating is a negative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They might be representing voices that are marginalized, and that might be the only venue they have to get these messages across,” she said. “I would say there’s a lot of lobbyists in the Capitol, but … some of them are fighting the good fight, and having them be the loudest in the room, I would say, isn’t a bad thing at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Changing the budget process\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Although the effort to move the state to performance-based budgeting failed, California has seen some big changes to the process — though whether they’ve helped or hurt the state’s finances depends on who you ask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2010, \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_25,_Simple_Majority_Vote_to_Enact_State_Budget_Amendment_(2010)\">voters passed Proposition 25\u003c/a>, which required the Legislature to pass a budget by June 15 or lose pay and also lowered the number of votes needed for passage. While that cut down on political gridlock, Jon Coupal, president of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, said it has led to a shoddy budget that is constantly amended the rest of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Democrats \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californias-supermajority-what-the-legislature-can-do/\">hold a two-thirds “supermajority”\u003c/a> and don’t need Republican votes to pass the budget, there’s no longer a “Big 5” committee, where leaders of both parties negotiate with the governor. It’s now just the Democratic leaders and Newsom. There’s also no Assembly-Senate conference committee that held public hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other efforts to change the process have failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/scott-wilk-19\">Scott Wilk\u003c/a> introduced a bill to create a \u003ca href=\"https://sr21.senate.ca.gov/content/wilk-introduces-better-budgeting-better-future-act\">two-year budgeting process\u003c/a> — the first year for writing the budget and the second to focus on oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason for that, frankly, is our government — we look at input,” the Republican from Lancaster told CalMatters. “We never look at output. I think there’s programs we start that are no longer effective, are no longer needed, yet we’re still spending money because everybody’s building their fiefdom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A multi-year budget process could have benefits, said Chris Hoene, executive director of the California Budget & Policy Center. “One way to manage the fluctuations that are there would be to sort of admit that economic cycles don’t always adhere to an annual fiscal year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could allow the state to put more money into its reserves, he said. The state constitution currently limits that — another topic that comes up during every budget downturn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature has also made some attempts at more oversight, such as splitting up the health and human services budget subcommittees to hone in on each topic and revamping the accountability committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators could also be more mindful of bills that add new costs — though they and the governor’s office won’t have a clear picture of added costs until measures are signed in the fall. Gabriel said he tried to send that message at a Democratic Assembly caucus retreat in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We tried to be really mindful of the costs because there may be a lot of great policy ideas that folks out there want to pursue,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another option to rein in costs each year could be to limit the number of bills legislators introduce. But while members say the volume makes it difficult to really weigh what the financial and other impacts of each bill might be, they also say it could hamper their ability to represent constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And sometimes, a pricey bill or program is worth the fight, according to some legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These draconian cuts have real life and death consequences and will push our most vulnerable children, families, and aging Californians into homelessness and starvation,” Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/caroline-menjivar-165436\">Caroline Menjivar\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Van Nuys, said in a statement in response to Newsom’s proposal. “As legislators, we hold the power to save the most vulnerable among us … I plan to fight back with everything I have.”\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"State lawmakers often don’t know how well a program works before deciding whether to cut or increase spending. Instead, they hear from advocates, interest groups and sometimes the public. Key budget hearings ramp up this week.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1716235268,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":56,"wordCount":2379},"headData":{"title":"California's Budget Decisions Influenced by Politics, Not Data | KQED","description":"State lawmakers often don’t know how well a program works before deciding whether to cut or increase spending. Instead, they hear from advocates, interest groups and sometimes the public. Key budget hearings ramp up this week.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California's Budget Decisions Influenced by Politics, Not Data","datePublished":"2024-05-20T14:00:23-07:00","dateModified":"2024-05-20T13:01:08-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"Sameea Kamal, CalMatters","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986893/californias-budget-decisions-influenced-by-politics-not-data","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Frustration came through loud and clear as legislators hurled question after question at the head of the state’s homelessness interagency council: Why, after years of planning and billions of dollars invested, is there so \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/reports/2023-102-1/#:~:text=as%20of%202023.-,Figure%201,-California%E2%80%99s%20Population%20of\">little to show for the effort\u003c/a>?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You come into a budget committee, and there’s no numbers,” Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/philip-ting-30\">Phil Ting\u003c/a>, a San Francisco Democrat, said at the May 6 Assembly committee hearing. “Why is it taking so long?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/vince-fong-100939\">Vince Fong\u003c/a>, a Bakersfield Republican, took issue with the council, saying it needed more money to compile the data. And \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/christopher-ward-35497\">Chris Ward\u003c/a>, a Democrat from San Diego, said he’d been asking the same questions since 2022: “The fact that we’re still now, three years later here as a state is incredibly frustrating because that guides our decision-making here as a budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even without a full picture of how well the homelessness spending is working, Gov. Gavin Newsom is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/may-revise-2024-homeless-housing/\">proposing cuts to cover the state’s budget deficit\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s just one example of how the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/budget/\">state budget\u003c/a> gets put together, often without fully knowing if a program is paying off. Revenue dictates decisions, and voter-passed initiatives direct some spending. After that, legislators use any available data, negotiate with other officials and listen to their constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and interest groups also lobby them. (More than 650 organizations spent money lobbying on the budget, as well as other issues.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the 2024–25 budget now before the Legislature, Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">released a revised plan earlier this month\u003c/a> that calls for dipping into reserves, canceling some new spending and cutting existing programs to cover a remaining shortfall of $27.6 billion. The independent Legislative Analyst’s Office, which assesses the budget picture through different calculations, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4902\">cites the deficit as $55 billion\u003c/a>, though it generally agrees with Newsom’s overall view of the state’s finances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11981977,news_11985695,news_11985798","label":"Related Stories "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Today and through this week, the Assembly and Senate will \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/schedules-publications/assembly-daily-file\">conduct hearings\u003c/a> on Newsom’s proposals. The Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-budget-2023/\">faces a June 15 deadline to approve its version\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/jesse-gabriel-160858\">Jesse Gabriel\u003c/a>, who leads the Assembly budget committee, noted that only a handful of legislators have dealt with a deep deficit before. The state had \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-budget-whiplash/\">a record budget surplus as recently as two years ago\u003c/a>, thanks to federal pandemic aid and a roaring stock market; the last lengthy recession \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/content/pubs/report/R_1211SBR.pdf\">ended in 2009\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a new experience for a lot of people,” the Democrat from Encino told CalMatters. “I think we’re going to have to work really hard together to get on the same page and do the best we can in a really difficult situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State bases money needs on prior year\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Addressing California’s deficit is a two-part equation, where increasing revenue could help. But Newsom has ruled out increasing taxes and instead emphasized “right-sizing expenditures,” telling legislators they shouldn’t expect bills with high price tags to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Gabriel, the May 6 hearing by the revamped accountability and oversight committee hints at an appetite for culture change in the Legislature — though one that could take time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to be doing a lot more data-driven decision-making about which programs and services are really delivering results for Californians,” he told CalMatters. “For us, that metric is not. Did the money go out the door? But was it impactful? Did it make a difference in results for the people it was intended to serve?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986898\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051024_Newsom-Budget_FG_CM_1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986898\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051024_Newsom-Budget_FG_CM_1.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman wearing glasses stands to the left of TV screen that reads "Governor's Budget May Revision 2024-25."\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051024_Newsom-Budget_FG_CM_1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051024_Newsom-Budget_FG_CM_1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051024_Newsom-Budget_FG_CM_1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051024_Newsom-Budget_FG_CM_1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051024_Newsom-Budget_FG_CM_1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051024_Newsom-Budget_FG_CM_1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom unveiled his revised 2024–25 budget proposal at the Capitol Annex Swing Space in Sacramento on May 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California currently uses “incremental budgeting:” Each department’s or program’s funding request starts with what they spent last year, updated with best estimates of what they need in the coming year. Also known as “baseline budgeting,” it’s the most common approach states take, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://archive.ncsl.org/Portals/1/Documents/lscc/Budgeting-101_%20Legislative-Staff-Certificate-Program_101322_35452.pdf\">National Conference of State Legislatures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some public analysis of how programs are working comes from the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office and state agencies, sometimes at the request of lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, a CalMatters analysis published in February \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/02/california-laws-are-they-working/\">found that 70% of the 1,118 state agency reports\u003c/a> on how laws were working due in the past year had not been submitted to the Office of Legislative Counsel, which keeps reports. And about half of those that were filed were late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s budgeting approach is in contrast to two other systems: performance-based budgeting and zero-based budgeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Performance-based budgeting ties funding to how well programs meet their goals and allows departments more flexibility to use any savings. The data-driven approach can create more transparency, according to \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/sites/abgt.assembly.ca.gov/files/PBB%20%282%29.pdf\">research commissioned by the Assembly’s Budget Committee in 2012\u003c/a>. But it’s difficult to implement and can be inequitable, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures — for example, by linking school funding to test scores.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under zero-based budgeting, agency budgets start each year from $0. But no state uses the system in its true form, the conference notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While more states are moving towards \u003ca href=\"https://documents.ncsl.org/wwwncsl/Center%20for%20Results%20Driven%20Governing/Evidence-to-Drive-Better-Results_02.pdf\">performance-based budgeting\u003c/a> — including Minnesota, New Mexico and Utah — more comprehensive efforts to change California’s system have fizzled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Fong, who is vice chairperson of the Assembly budget committee, introduced a bill requiring state agencies to use zero-based budgeting, but the measure has \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1964\">not been heard in committee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2011, then-Gov. Jerry Brown vetoed a bill requiring state agencies to use performance-based budgeting, saying it would impose a ‘’one size fits all” budget planning process on every state agency and function.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The politically expedient course would be to sign this bill and bask in the pretense that it is some panacea for our budget woes,” he wrote in his veto message. “But the hard truth is that this bill will mandate thousands of hours of work — at the cost of tens of millions of dollars — with little chance of actual improvement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Brown advocated what he described as a common sense approach to budgeting that would examine whether some programs or departments should exist at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Performance-based budgeting also has downsides: A program that’s underperforming may still deserve funding, lobbyist Kristina Bas Hamilton said. “That should be what the policy and budget-making process is about, is having that dialogue,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just looking at departments or programs doesn’t show the full picture of state spending, argues Scott Graves, budget director of the California Budget & Policy Center, an advocacy and policy group. That’s because of business and other tax breaks, which are typically renewed year after year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rarely do policymakers come back around and ask, ‘Do they still make sense? Are they effective? Are they achieving the goal for which they were created?’ And as a result, we end up with a lot of waste on the tax expenditure side of the budget,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re going to argue for greater scrutiny of state spending and asking what we’re getting for our money, we need to do that not just on the budget side, but we also need to do it on the tax expenditure side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Giving taxpayers a voice\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Where data doesn’t tell the whole story of which programs are worth funding, public input can fill in some gaps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Senate President Pro Tem \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/mike-mcguire-93\">Mike McGuire\u003c/a> and Gabriel told CalMatters that the budget hearings from January through June are key to the decision-making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire said his office also receives thousands of comments from the public — emails, postcards, requests for meetings and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not just one source of feedback, but multiple sources of feedback. And by the way, that’s the way it should be,” he said in an interview with CalMatters. “It’s coming from the public, from members themselves, shaped by their lived experiences and opinions, through advocates for nonprofits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/california-budget-cuts/\">Various interest groups have mobilized\u003c/a> to push back on Newsom’s proposed cuts, including rallies at the Capitol or through virtual campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julie Baker, CEO of CA Arts Advocates, said building coalitions has helped the arts community secure funding from legislators in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to know what their constituents care about, and showing up and telling them that we oppose, in this case, the arts cuts — letting them know how that will impact their own communities — is critical for them to understand the decisions that they’re making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Greater transparency can help the public form an opinion about state spending, but getting that information isn’t easy. State Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/roger-niello-165442\">Roger Niello\u003c/a>, a Roseville Republican, introduced a bill that would have \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1114?slug=CA_202320240SB1114\">required state agencies to post their expenditures\u003c/a> in a clear and accessible way for the public, but the Senate’s appropriations committee \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/05/california-legislature-bills-budget-deficit/\">killed the bill in last week’s “suspense file” hearings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986899\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051524-Budget-Rally-RL-CM-04.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986899\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051524-Budget-Rally-RL-CM-04.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people pose and hold signs and balloons outside.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051524-Budget-Rally-RL-CM-04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051524-Budget-Rally-RL-CM-04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051524-Budget-Rally-RL-CM-04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051524-Budget-Rally-RL-CM-04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051524-Budget-Rally-RL-CM-04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/051524-Budget-Rally-RL-CM-04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People rallied at the Capitol in Sacramento in protest of proposed budget cuts on May 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Renee Lopez/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On May 1, advocacy groups California Budget & Policy Center, Catalyst California and the Million Voters Project launched the \u003ca href=\"https://www.budgetpowerproject.org/\">Budget Power Project\u003c/a>, which plans to hold workshops to understand the budget, as well as lessons on how to advocate — at cities and counties as well as the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was conceived during the windfall of federal pandemic aid to ensure that money reached communities most in need — and out of a concern that budgets are often crafted in the shadows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bas Hamilton — who wrote a book on how to advocate in the Legislature — said the power of public input shouldn’t be underestimated and challenged the notion that the same people, or the loudest people, advocating is a negative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They might be representing voices that are marginalized, and that might be the only venue they have to get these messages across,” she said. “I would say there’s a lot of lobbyists in the Capitol, but … some of them are fighting the good fight, and having them be the loudest in the room, I would say, isn’t a bad thing at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Changing the budget process\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Although the effort to move the state to performance-based budgeting failed, California has seen some big changes to the process — though whether they’ve helped or hurt the state’s finances depends on who you ask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2010, \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_25,_Simple_Majority_Vote_to_Enact_State_Budget_Amendment_(2010)\">voters passed Proposition 25\u003c/a>, which required the Legislature to pass a budget by June 15 or lose pay and also lowered the number of votes needed for passage. While that cut down on political gridlock, Jon Coupal, president of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, said it has led to a shoddy budget that is constantly amended the rest of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Democrats \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californias-supermajority-what-the-legislature-can-do/\">hold a two-thirds “supermajority”\u003c/a> and don’t need Republican votes to pass the budget, there’s no longer a “Big 5” committee, where leaders of both parties negotiate with the governor. It’s now just the Democratic leaders and Newsom. There’s also no Assembly-Senate conference committee that held public hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other efforts to change the process have failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/scott-wilk-19\">Scott Wilk\u003c/a> introduced a bill to create a \u003ca href=\"https://sr21.senate.ca.gov/content/wilk-introduces-better-budgeting-better-future-act\">two-year budgeting process\u003c/a> — the first year for writing the budget and the second to focus on oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason for that, frankly, is our government — we look at input,” the Republican from Lancaster told CalMatters. “We never look at output. I think there’s programs we start that are no longer effective, are no longer needed, yet we’re still spending money because everybody’s building their fiefdom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A multi-year budget process could have benefits, said Chris Hoene, executive director of the California Budget & Policy Center. “One way to manage the fluctuations that are there would be to sort of admit that economic cycles don’t always adhere to an annual fiscal year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could allow the state to put more money into its reserves, he said. The state constitution currently limits that — another topic that comes up during every budget downturn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature has also made some attempts at more oversight, such as splitting up the health and human services budget subcommittees to hone in on each topic and revamping the accountability committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators could also be more mindful of bills that add new costs — though they and the governor’s office won’t have a clear picture of added costs until measures are signed in the fall. Gabriel said he tried to send that message at a Democratic Assembly caucus retreat in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We tried to be really mindful of the costs because there may be a lot of great policy ideas that folks out there want to pursue,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another option to rein in costs each year could be to limit the number of bills legislators introduce. But while members say the volume makes it difficult to really weigh what the financial and other impacts of each bill might be, they also say it could hamper their ability to represent constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And sometimes, a pricey bill or program is worth the fight, according to some legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These draconian cuts have real life and death consequences and will push our most vulnerable children, families, and aging Californians into homelessness and starvation,” Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/caroline-menjivar-165436\">Caroline Menjivar\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Van Nuys, said in a statement in response to Newsom’s proposal. “As legislators, we hold the power to save the most vulnerable among us … I plan to fight back with everything I have.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986893/californias-budget-decisions-influenced-by-politics-not-data","authors":["byline_news_11986893"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_402"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11986900","label":"news_18481"},"news_11986894":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986894","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986894","score":null,"sort":[1716231659000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"tough-on-crime-ballot-measure-claims-to-tackle-housing-crisis-experts-doubtful","title":"Tough-on-Crime Ballot Measure Claims to Tackle Housing Crisis, Experts Doubtful","publishDate":1716231659,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Tough-on-Crime Ballot Measure Claims to Tackle Housing Crisis, Experts Doubtful | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>Homelessness gets top billing in a measure likely to make it onto your November ballot. Whether the measure has anything to do with homelessness is debatable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative proponents are calling the “\u003ca href=\"https://casafecommunities.com/\">Homelessness, Drug Addiction, and Theft Reduction Act\u003c/a>” would increase penalties for some drug and theft crimes by rolling back\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>Proposition 47\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>— the criminal justice changes California voters passed a decade ago. It also would force some people arrested three or more times for drug crimes into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But where does \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/housing/homelessness/\">homelessness\u003c/a> factor into this tough-on-crime measure? The initiative includes no money for housing, shelter or treatment beds — leading some experts to question how it would help get California’s more than 181,000 unhoused residents off the street in a state where recent research shows\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\"> loss of income is the leading cause\u003c/a> of homelessness. Nor does the measure allocate or create new funding sources to pay cities or counties to enforce it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig, who helped author the proposed ballot measure, the philosophy is simple: The measure would slash the homeless population by pushing those struggling with drug addiction into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The big part of this, which is the key to the program, is it’s going to be compelled,” Reisig said. “People are going to have to go through the program or accept the consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, according to Elliott Currie, a professor of criminology, law and society at the University of California Irvine, the measure is based on a false assumption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The theory is that people are homeless because we’ve been too lenient with drug addiction,” Currie said. “I think I can safely say that I don’t see one shred of serious evidence that that’s what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Did Proposition 47 increase homelessness in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposed ballot measure targets Proposition 47, which, when passed by voters in 2014, reduced certain theft and drug crimes from felonies to misdemeanors. In some circles, Proposition 47 is now being blamed for a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/04/california-crime-oakland-san-francisco-businesses-residents/\">perceived increase in crime\u003c/a> — and a fierce debate is raging over \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/california-crime-progressives-bills/\">whether and how to change it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the measure, which is likely to qualify for the ballot after it recently \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-crime-ballot-initiative-signatures-theft-fentanyl-e4863b0eb0b8808ea8f5746c60780ba7\">submitted more than 900,000 signatures\u003c/a> (about 547,000 valid ones are required), also blame Proposition 47 for California’s dire homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the decade that Proposition 47 has been in effect, homelessness in California has grown by more than half — and backers of the proposed ballot measure say the two are “directly connected.” They argue by watering down the legal consequences for drug use, Proposition 47 removed the incentives for homeless Californians to participate in mental health and drug treatment, and as a result, fewer are. Because of that, they argue, more people are living on the streets.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='housing']“One of the primary root causes of homelessness is serious addiction, which is debilitating and results in people not being able to function or even hold a job,” Reisig said in an interview with CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s true that \u003ca href=\"https://www.innovatingjustice.org/sites/default/files/media/documents/2020-03/report_sentencingreform_03262020.pdf\">participation in drug courts dropped\u003c/a> throughout the state in the wake of Proposition 47. In San Diego County, for example, more than 650 people went through drug court in the year before Proposition 47 passed. By 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/07/california-drug-courts-prop-47/#:~:text=A%202020%20paper%20from%20the,67%25%20between%202014%20and%202018\">it was down to just 255\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As evidence Proposition 47 is tied to homelessness, backers of the measure point to states with stronger drug laws and smaller homeless populations. Illinois, for example, has a homeless rate about five times less than California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are a lot of other factors — especially housing costs — contributing to the state’s homelessness crisis. Fair market rent for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/fmrs/FY2024_code/2024state_summary.odn\">two-bedroom in Chicago is just $1,714\u003c/a> — nearly half the going rate in San Francisco. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/fmrs/FY2024_code/2024state_summary.odn\">San Francisco area rate\u003c/a> increased by 72% since Proposition 47 passed, hitting $3,359 this year, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some experts who study crime and homelessness, the ballot measure is baffling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not aware of any data that shows a connection between Prop. 47 and homelessness,” said Charis Kubrin, a professor of criminology at UC Irvine. “So it’s a bit of a puzzle to me why they’re together like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blaming the state’s spike in homelessness on Proposition 47 is “preposterous,” said Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “All of the changes that the (ballot measure) is proposing have nothing, nothing whatsoever, to do with homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization hasn’t even taken an official position on the measure because, Rapport said, it’s not related to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">The number one reason Californians end up homeless\u003c/a> is a loss of income — not drug use, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/our-impact/studies/california-statewide-study-people-experiencing-homelessness\">UC San Francisco study\u003c/a> that provides the most comprehensive look yet at the state’s homelessness crisis. And in the six months before becoming homeless, the people surveyed were making a median income of just $960 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That doesn’t mean drug use has nothing to do with homelessness. Nearly a third of people surveyed reported using methamphetamines three times a week, while 11% used non-prescribed opioids. Other studies have had varying results: a 2022 Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research study, which cited research from multiple surveys across several states, showed that \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/homelessness-california-causes-and-policy-considerations#footnote-1\">43% to 88%\u003c/a> of the homeless population struggled with drug abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drug and alcohol overdoses \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/02/homeless-mortality-report/#:~:text=Nationwide%2C%20drug%20and%20alcohol%20overdoses,a%20488%25%20increase%20from%202011.\">are also the leading cause of death\u003c/a> for homeless people nationwide, according to a February study examining mortality rates among unhoused people between 2011 and 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s clear not everyone on the streets has an addiction. Therefore, the proposed ballot measure would leave out a large chunk of the state’s homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure helps even a third of California’s 181,000 unhoused residents — that’s a huge number, Reisig said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll take that,” he said. “I’ll take that number to try and get those people well, and to get them reintegrated, and to keep them out of jail and prison, and keep them from dying on the street of overdose or murder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This measure might help some people get sober, said Benjamin Henwood, director of the USC Center for Homelessness, Housing and Health Equity Research. But for many people, that won’t be enough to end their homelessness, he said. While being sober might make someone more likely to get a job, it won’t make housing any less expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is: Once treatment is up, where do they go?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under this measure, the answer to that question will depend on each individual county and how much, if any, housing they make available for people coming out of treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would the Homelessness, Drug Addiction, and Theft Reduction Act work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If voters approve the proposed ballot measure, certain repeat drug offenses could be prosecuted as a “treatment-mandated felony.” That means the third time someone is arrested for a drug offense, they could be given a choice between jail or mandatory addiction and mental health treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure says people participating in mandatory treatment also would be offered “shelter, job training, and other services designed to break the cycle of addiction and homelessness.” But it doesn’t say how any of that would be paid for. It would be up to counties to decide whether to offer shelter and other services and how to fund them, Reisig said.[aside postID=news_11986380 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-15-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']“That will have to be deployed in each county to the extent they can do it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without guaranteeing those housing services, the measure could actually worsen homelessness, Currie said. There’s already a robust jail-to-homelessness pipeline in California: 43% of those surveyed in the UCSF study were in jail or prison or on probation or parole in the six months before they became homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anybody who says you’ve got to solve the problem by putting more people behind bars, but you then don’t say anything about how you’re going to help them re-enter when they come out — I think that’s pretty bogus,” Currie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also doesn’t specify how the mandatory drug and mental health treatment would be funded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Resources for treatment are already stretched thin in California. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/Documents/Assessing-the-Continuum-of-Care-for-BH-Services-in-California.pdf\">2022 survey\u003c/a> by the state’s Department of Health Care Services, 70% of California counties reported “urgently” needing more residential addiction treatment, while nearly 40% didn’t have any residential facilities at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to providing no new funding, the proposed ballot measure could actually end up \u003cem>reducing \u003c/em>funds for the very programs it’s trying to bolster, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/fiscal-impact-estimate-report%2823-0017A1%29.pdf\">report from the independent Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>. That’s because Proposition 47 saved the state money in criminal justice costs by diverting people away from prison and jail. Those savings are earmarked for projects that provide mental health and substance use treatment (\u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/Prop-47-C1-final-evaluation-report.pdf\">nearly $104 million was awarded\u003c/a> between 2017 and 2020, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/H-2-Proposition-47-Cohort-2-Final-Evaluation-Report-FINAL-1.pdf\">another $96 million\u003c/a> between 2019 and 2023).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By gutting Proposition 47 and funneling more people into the state’s jails and prisons, the Legislative Analyst estimates the proposed ballot measure would eat away at those savings and increase criminal justice costs by as much as tens of millions of dollars per year. That could mean less money for mental health services and addiction treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig dismissed that worry, saying, at least in Yolo County, where he is district attorney, Proposition 47 savings haven’t made much difference. “There’s literally nothing that I fear losing through this program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is some new money available from other pots. In March, California voters approved a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/california-homeless-prop-1/\">$6.4 billion bond\u003c/a> to pay for 6,800 beds in facilities treating mental illness and addiction and as many as 4,350 housing units for people who need those services. The state is \u003ca href=\"https://mentalhealth.ca.gov/\">set to start awarding that money\u003c/a> in the spring and summer of 2025, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/14/california-moves-faster-to-transform-mental-health-system-for-all-with-urgent-focus-on-most-seriously-ill-homeless/\">Newsom said this month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the same time, to plug a yawning budget deficit, Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/may-revise-2024-homeless-housing/\">proposed cutting funds\u003c/a> from the Behavioral Health Bridge Housing Program, which provides beds for people who need mental health and addiction services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currie said he is “skeptical” of the lack of funding mechanisms for treatment programs and other services to ensure homeless people stay off the streets post-treatment. That, he said, could burden counties that already struggle with insufficient funding for such services — one in five homeless people surveyed by UCSF researchers said they sought substance abuse treatment but failed to get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t just say, ‘OK, you counties. Since you are swimming in so much money after all … we are going to mandate drug treatment for some people on top of the existing number of clients,’” Currie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The politics of homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some political strategists say the measure’s tie to homelessness represents the campaign’s attempt to capitalize on public concern about the problem. Homelessness is a top issue on California voters’ minds, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-february-2024/\">February 2024 statewide survey\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This notion somehow that it addresses homelessness is deceptive and downright farcical,” said Garry South, a longtime Democratic consultant who has worked on ballot measures for more than 20 years.[aside postID=news_11986281 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/ALAS_1_WEB-KQED-1020x675.jpg']Homelessness is ultimately due to a lack of housing, he argued, and measures aiming to address the problem without providing housing are “disingenuous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve heard the old saying ‘Putting lipstick on a pig,’” South said. “I’m not saying that this measure is a pig, but what I’m saying is it’s a standard procedure … to try to gussy it up with some reference or some provision that really strikes a responsive chord with voters when that’s not really what the initiative is about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure appears before voters in November, “homelessness” won’t be in the title they see on their ballots. The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/Title%20and%20Summary%20%2823-0017A1%29.pdf\">official title\u003c/a> of the measure, chosen by the state attorney general, is: “Allows felony charges and increases sentences for certain drug and theft crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of thought, politics, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/08/california-proposition-descriptions-lawsuits-attorney-general/\">sometimes even litigation\u003c/a> goes into drafting the title and summary of a ballot measure. While proponents of a proposition want to entice voters with their description, it’s ultimately the state attorney general’s job to make sure the language is fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even without mentioning homelessness, South said the ballot measure could still “pass on its own merits.” He, for one, would likely vote for it as a way to decrease crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Drugs and homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tom Wolf, who has experienced both homelessness and addiction firsthand in San Francisco, said the proposed ballot measure has great potential to help people who were like him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An opioid addiction cost Wolf his job and his home and landed him on the streets of San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood in 2018. He said he worked as a “holder” for nearby drug dealers, safeguarding their stash of narcotics in case they were busted by the police. Sometimes, he stole razor blades from a nearby Target and sold them for money to buy heroin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wolf said he was arrested on drug charges five times within three months and was released back to the street each time. The sixth time he was arrested, the judge let him sit in jail for three months, where he got sober. Wolf finally called his brother, who said he would bail him out if Wolf went to drug treatment. Wolf agreed. He said that if he had been given the choice between jail and treatment the last time he was picked up, he would have chosen treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, Wolf will have six years sober. He’s now an advocate for drug policy reform and works as director of West Coast initiatives for the Foundation for Drug Policy Solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That accountability piece was the key to me getting off the street,” he said, “getting sober, becoming willing to accept an opportunity to go to treatment and give recovery an honest try.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Backers of the California ballot measure emphasize housing issues in their campaign to roll back Proposition 47. But would the measure actually help people get housed?","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1716232537,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":52,"wordCount":2558},"headData":{"title":"Tough-on-Crime Ballot Measure Claims to Tackle Housing Crisis, Experts Doubtful | KQED","description":"Backers of the California ballot measure emphasize housing issues in their campaign to roll back Proposition 47. But would the measure actually help people get housed?","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Tough-on-Crime Ballot Measure Claims to Tackle Housing Crisis, Experts Doubtful","datePublished":"2024-05-20T12:00:59-07:00","dateModified":"2024-05-20T12:15:37-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"CalMatters","sourceUrl":"https://calmatters.org/","sticky":false,"nprByline":"Marisa Kendall and Yue Stella Yu, CalMatters","nprStoryId":"kqed-11986894","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986894/tough-on-crime-ballot-measure-claims-to-tackle-housing-crisis-experts-doubtful","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Homelessness gets top billing in a measure likely to make it onto your November ballot. Whether the measure has anything to do with homelessness is debatable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative proponents are calling the “\u003ca href=\"https://casafecommunities.com/\">Homelessness, Drug Addiction, and Theft Reduction Act\u003c/a>” would increase penalties for some drug and theft crimes by rolling back\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>Proposition 47\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>— the criminal justice changes California voters passed a decade ago. It also would force some people arrested three or more times for drug crimes into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But where does \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/housing/homelessness/\">homelessness\u003c/a> factor into this tough-on-crime measure? The initiative includes no money for housing, shelter or treatment beds — leading some experts to question how it would help get California’s more than 181,000 unhoused residents off the street in a state where recent research shows\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\"> loss of income is the leading cause\u003c/a> of homelessness. Nor does the measure allocate or create new funding sources to pay cities or counties to enforce it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig, who helped author the proposed ballot measure, the philosophy is simple: The measure would slash the homeless population by pushing those struggling with drug addiction into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The big part of this, which is the key to the program, is it’s going to be compelled,” Reisig said. “People are going to have to go through the program or accept the consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, according to Elliott Currie, a professor of criminology, law and society at the University of California Irvine, the measure is based on a false assumption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The theory is that people are homeless because we’ve been too lenient with drug addiction,” Currie said. “I think I can safely say that I don’t see one shred of serious evidence that that’s what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Did Proposition 47 increase homelessness in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposed ballot measure targets Proposition 47, which, when passed by voters in 2014, reduced certain theft and drug crimes from felonies to misdemeanors. In some circles, Proposition 47 is now being blamed for a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/04/california-crime-oakland-san-francisco-businesses-residents/\">perceived increase in crime\u003c/a> — and a fierce debate is raging over \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/california-crime-progressives-bills/\">whether and how to change it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the measure, which is likely to qualify for the ballot after it recently \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-crime-ballot-initiative-signatures-theft-fentanyl-e4863b0eb0b8808ea8f5746c60780ba7\">submitted more than 900,000 signatures\u003c/a> (about 547,000 valid ones are required), also blame Proposition 47 for California’s dire homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the decade that Proposition 47 has been in effect, homelessness in California has grown by more than half — and backers of the proposed ballot measure say the two are “directly connected.” They argue by watering down the legal consequences for drug use, Proposition 47 removed the incentives for homeless Californians to participate in mental health and drug treatment, and as a result, fewer are. Because of that, they argue, more people are living on the streets.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Coverage ","tag":"housing"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“One of the primary root causes of homelessness is serious addiction, which is debilitating and results in people not being able to function or even hold a job,” Reisig said in an interview with CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s true that \u003ca href=\"https://www.innovatingjustice.org/sites/default/files/media/documents/2020-03/report_sentencingreform_03262020.pdf\">participation in drug courts dropped\u003c/a> throughout the state in the wake of Proposition 47. In San Diego County, for example, more than 650 people went through drug court in the year before Proposition 47 passed. By 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/07/california-drug-courts-prop-47/#:~:text=A%202020%20paper%20from%20the,67%25%20between%202014%20and%202018\">it was down to just 255\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As evidence Proposition 47 is tied to homelessness, backers of the measure point to states with stronger drug laws and smaller homeless populations. Illinois, for example, has a homeless rate about five times less than California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are a lot of other factors — especially housing costs — contributing to the state’s homelessness crisis. Fair market rent for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/fmrs/FY2024_code/2024state_summary.odn\">two-bedroom in Chicago is just $1,714\u003c/a> — nearly half the going rate in San Francisco. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/fmrs/FY2024_code/2024state_summary.odn\">San Francisco area rate\u003c/a> increased by 72% since Proposition 47 passed, hitting $3,359 this year, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some experts who study crime and homelessness, the ballot measure is baffling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not aware of any data that shows a connection between Prop. 47 and homelessness,” said Charis Kubrin, a professor of criminology at UC Irvine. “So it’s a bit of a puzzle to me why they’re together like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blaming the state’s spike in homelessness on Proposition 47 is “preposterous,” said Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “All of the changes that the (ballot measure) is proposing have nothing, nothing whatsoever, to do with homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization hasn’t even taken an official position on the measure because, Rapport said, it’s not related to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">The number one reason Californians end up homeless\u003c/a> is a loss of income — not drug use, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/our-impact/studies/california-statewide-study-people-experiencing-homelessness\">UC San Francisco study\u003c/a> that provides the most comprehensive look yet at the state’s homelessness crisis. And in the six months before becoming homeless, the people surveyed were making a median income of just $960 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That doesn’t mean drug use has nothing to do with homelessness. Nearly a third of people surveyed reported using methamphetamines three times a week, while 11% used non-prescribed opioids. Other studies have had varying results: a 2022 Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research study, which cited research from multiple surveys across several states, showed that \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/homelessness-california-causes-and-policy-considerations#footnote-1\">43% to 88%\u003c/a> of the homeless population struggled with drug abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drug and alcohol overdoses \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/02/homeless-mortality-report/#:~:text=Nationwide%2C%20drug%20and%20alcohol%20overdoses,a%20488%25%20increase%20from%202011.\">are also the leading cause of death\u003c/a> for homeless people nationwide, according to a February study examining mortality rates among unhoused people between 2011 and 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s clear not everyone on the streets has an addiction. Therefore, the proposed ballot measure would leave out a large chunk of the state’s homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure helps even a third of California’s 181,000 unhoused residents — that’s a huge number, Reisig said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll take that,” he said. “I’ll take that number to try and get those people well, and to get them reintegrated, and to keep them out of jail and prison, and keep them from dying on the street of overdose or murder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This measure might help some people get sober, said Benjamin Henwood, director of the USC Center for Homelessness, Housing and Health Equity Research. But for many people, that won’t be enough to end their homelessness, he said. While being sober might make someone more likely to get a job, it won’t make housing any less expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is: Once treatment is up, where do they go?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under this measure, the answer to that question will depend on each individual county and how much, if any, housing they make available for people coming out of treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would the Homelessness, Drug Addiction, and Theft Reduction Act work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If voters approve the proposed ballot measure, certain repeat drug offenses could be prosecuted as a “treatment-mandated felony.” That means the third time someone is arrested for a drug offense, they could be given a choice between jail or mandatory addiction and mental health treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure says people participating in mandatory treatment also would be offered “shelter, job training, and other services designed to break the cycle of addiction and homelessness.” But it doesn’t say how any of that would be paid for. It would be up to counties to decide whether to offer shelter and other services and how to fund them, Reisig said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11986380","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-15-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“That will have to be deployed in each county to the extent they can do it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without guaranteeing those housing services, the measure could actually worsen homelessness, Currie said. There’s already a robust jail-to-homelessness pipeline in California: 43% of those surveyed in the UCSF study were in jail or prison or on probation or parole in the six months before they became homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anybody who says you’ve got to solve the problem by putting more people behind bars, but you then don’t say anything about how you’re going to help them re-enter when they come out — I think that’s pretty bogus,” Currie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also doesn’t specify how the mandatory drug and mental health treatment would be funded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Resources for treatment are already stretched thin in California. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/Documents/Assessing-the-Continuum-of-Care-for-BH-Services-in-California.pdf\">2022 survey\u003c/a> by the state’s Department of Health Care Services, 70% of California counties reported “urgently” needing more residential addiction treatment, while nearly 40% didn’t have any residential facilities at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to providing no new funding, the proposed ballot measure could actually end up \u003cem>reducing \u003c/em>funds for the very programs it’s trying to bolster, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/fiscal-impact-estimate-report%2823-0017A1%29.pdf\">report from the independent Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>. That’s because Proposition 47 saved the state money in criminal justice costs by diverting people away from prison and jail. Those savings are earmarked for projects that provide mental health and substance use treatment (\u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/Prop-47-C1-final-evaluation-report.pdf\">nearly $104 million was awarded\u003c/a> between 2017 and 2020, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/H-2-Proposition-47-Cohort-2-Final-Evaluation-Report-FINAL-1.pdf\">another $96 million\u003c/a> between 2019 and 2023).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By gutting Proposition 47 and funneling more people into the state’s jails and prisons, the Legislative Analyst estimates the proposed ballot measure would eat away at those savings and increase criminal justice costs by as much as tens of millions of dollars per year. That could mean less money for mental health services and addiction treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig dismissed that worry, saying, at least in Yolo County, where he is district attorney, Proposition 47 savings haven’t made much difference. “There’s literally nothing that I fear losing through this program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is some new money available from other pots. In March, California voters approved a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/california-homeless-prop-1/\">$6.4 billion bond\u003c/a> to pay for 6,800 beds in facilities treating mental illness and addiction and as many as 4,350 housing units for people who need those services. The state is \u003ca href=\"https://mentalhealth.ca.gov/\">set to start awarding that money\u003c/a> in the spring and summer of 2025, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/14/california-moves-faster-to-transform-mental-health-system-for-all-with-urgent-focus-on-most-seriously-ill-homeless/\">Newsom said this month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the same time, to plug a yawning budget deficit, Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/may-revise-2024-homeless-housing/\">proposed cutting funds\u003c/a> from the Behavioral Health Bridge Housing Program, which provides beds for people who need mental health and addiction services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currie said he is “skeptical” of the lack of funding mechanisms for treatment programs and other services to ensure homeless people stay off the streets post-treatment. That, he said, could burden counties that already struggle with insufficient funding for such services — one in five homeless people surveyed by UCSF researchers said they sought substance abuse treatment but failed to get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t just say, ‘OK, you counties. Since you are swimming in so much money after all … we are going to mandate drug treatment for some people on top of the existing number of clients,’” Currie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The politics of homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some political strategists say the measure’s tie to homelessness represents the campaign’s attempt to capitalize on public concern about the problem. Homelessness is a top issue on California voters’ minds, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-february-2024/\">February 2024 statewide survey\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This notion somehow that it addresses homelessness is deceptive and downright farcical,” said Garry South, a longtime Democratic consultant who has worked on ballot measures for more than 20 years.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11986281","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/ALAS_1_WEB-KQED-1020x675.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Homelessness is ultimately due to a lack of housing, he argued, and measures aiming to address the problem without providing housing are “disingenuous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve heard the old saying ‘Putting lipstick on a pig,’” South said. “I’m not saying that this measure is a pig, but what I’m saying is it’s a standard procedure … to try to gussy it up with some reference or some provision that really strikes a responsive chord with voters when that’s not really what the initiative is about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure appears before voters in November, “homelessness” won’t be in the title they see on their ballots. The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/Title%20and%20Summary%20%2823-0017A1%29.pdf\">official title\u003c/a> of the measure, chosen by the state attorney general, is: “Allows felony charges and increases sentences for certain drug and theft crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of thought, politics, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/08/california-proposition-descriptions-lawsuits-attorney-general/\">sometimes even litigation\u003c/a> goes into drafting the title and summary of a ballot measure. While proponents of a proposition want to entice voters with their description, it’s ultimately the state attorney general’s job to make sure the language is fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even without mentioning homelessness, South said the ballot measure could still “pass on its own merits.” He, for one, would likely vote for it as a way to decrease crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Drugs and homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tom Wolf, who has experienced both homelessness and addiction firsthand in San Francisco, said the proposed ballot measure has great potential to help people who were like him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An opioid addiction cost Wolf his job and his home and landed him on the streets of San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood in 2018. He said he worked as a “holder” for nearby drug dealers, safeguarding their stash of narcotics in case they were busted by the police. Sometimes, he stole razor blades from a nearby Target and sold them for money to buy heroin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wolf said he was arrested on drug charges five times within three months and was released back to the street each time. The sixth time he was arrested, the judge let him sit in jail for three months, where he got sober. Wolf finally called his brother, who said he would bail him out if Wolf went to drug treatment. Wolf agreed. He said that if he had been given the choice between jail and treatment the last time he was picked up, he would have chosen treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, Wolf will have six years sober. He’s now an advocate for drug policy reform and works as director of West Coast initiatives for the Foundation for Drug Policy Solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That accountability piece was the key to me getting off the street,” he said, “getting sober, becoming willing to accept an opportunity to go to treatment and give recovery an honest try.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986894/tough-on-crime-ballot-measure-claims-to-tackle-housing-crisis-experts-doubtful","authors":["byline_news_11986894"],"categories":["news_31795","news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_18012","news_17626","news_17968","news_18502","news_31793"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11986904","label":"source_news_11986894"},"news_11986871":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986871","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986871","score":null,"sort":[1716123621000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-promised-health-care-workers-a-higher-minimum-wage-but-will-newsom-delay-it","title":"California Promised Health Care Workers a Higher Minimum Wage — but Will Newsom Delay It?","publishDate":1716123621,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California Promised Health Care Workers a Higher Minimum Wage — but Will Newsom Delay It? | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/gavin-newsom/\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> is cutting it close. He signed a law last fall that phases in a $25 \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2023/12/minimum-wage-2024/\">minimum wage\u003c/a> for California’s lowest-paid health care workers beginning June 1. Then, he said he wanted to delay it because of its potential to exacerbate the severe \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/budget/\">state budget\u003c/a> shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two weeks before the deadline for employers to start paying more to their employees, many health workers are still waiting to hear whether they will in fact see a raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some health workers remain hopeful. Others have already been notified by their employers of their upcoming raise or have already started to see increased pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Newsom presented his latest budget proposal last week, the governor said negotiations around potential changes to the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/10/california-minimum-wage-health-care-law/\">health worker minimum wage\u003c/a> law, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB525\">Senate Bill 525\u003c/a>, are still taking place. He promised a deal between his administration, the Legislature and proponents of the law would be hashed out in the upcoming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This budget will not be signed without that deal that we committed to being addressed,” Newsom said. He usually signs a budget for the next fiscal year in late June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile the union that advocated for the health care pay increase has launched an advertising campaign that aims to hold Newsom to the law he signed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One ad by Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers West on the \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/seiu_uhw/status/1786116278509527235?s=43\">social media site X \u003c/a>shows a dialysis worker named Alice and it reads, “The dialysis care Alice provides is lifesaving. Yet, with caregivers at her facility starting out at only $18/hr, it’s no wonder there’s a short staffing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A $25/hr minimum wage for healthcare workers will help ensure patients get the care they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nathan Selzer, communications director for SEIU-UHW, said his union posted the messages because, “Our workers were concerned and remain concerned. What we saw in conversations earlier this year was folks really focusing only on money and only on dollars and cents, and not on what those dollars and cents are used for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SEIU-UHW is an affiliate of SEIU California, which sponsored the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We made a decision that we’ve got to make sure we’re reminding people why this was made into law to begin with,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selzer said he is not directly involved in conversations with the governor’s office and legislators, but that confusion among many workers rings true. “We’ve heard June 1, we’ve heard July 1. It remains to be seen what actually happens here,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Deadline to postpone minimum wage hike\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What exactly is holding up the negotiations is unclear. Lawmakers and Newsom would have to pass and sign legislation that would push back the start date within two weeks to delay it effectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he wanted to postpone the wage increase when he released his initial budget proposal in January. He asked the Legislature for an annual “trigger” that would tie the minimum wage increases to the state’s budget outlook. His administration projects the state is facing a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">$27.6 billion deficit\u003c/a> in 2024–25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has estimated the minimum wage increase could cost the state around $4 billion a year. That’s because the state would have to pay for the wage increases for its own employees at state health facilities and because the state may be forced to increase what it reimburses facilities for services provided to patients on Medi-Cal, its insurance program for low-income people, as a way to partially cover the pay raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Berkeley Labor Center estimates the cost to the state to be much lower. Total health spending in California would increase by about $2.7 billion because of the law, but the state would be responsible only for a fraction of that, according to the Labor Center’s analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laurel Lucia, director of the Health Care Program at the Labor Center, said that there is no requirement in the law that directs the state to raise \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/medi-cal/\">Medi-Cal payments\u003c/a> to hospitals and clinics as a way to make up for the costs of higher wages, but the law could play a role in Medi-Cal rate negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the rates were set for 2024, there was recognition in \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/services/Documents/DirectedPymts/CA-CY-2024-Rate-Certification-Report.pdf\">the (rates) report (PDF)\u003c/a> that there might need to be changes to those rates due to” the minimum wage increase, Lucia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California hospitals, dialysis clinics raising pay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Absent any confirmed changes to the law, some employers and associations representing health employers say they are moving forward with the raises as scheduled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As far as we know, the minimum wage for health care workers will be going up as of June 1. We have no information that would indicate otherwise,” Jan Emerson-Shea, a spokesperson for the California Hospitals Association, said in an email this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11986075,news_11984163,news_11984819\"]The California Kidney Care Alliance, a trade association representing dialysis providers and clinics, said members are following the wage requirements as laid out by the law. “In fact, many providers have already increased wages well ahead of the requirements of the bill,” Jaycob Bytel, a spokesperson for the alliance, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://hcai.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/SB-525-Fact-Sheet-HCAI-Hospital-Lists-04_23_24.pdf\">Depending on where they work (PDF)\u003c/a>, employees are scheduled to receive from $18 to $23 an hour starting next month. That’s compared to the current statewide minimum wage of $16.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wage hike will phase in over the years until workers reach $25 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some health systems have already notified employees of the upcoming pay boost, including the University of California Health system. In \u003ca href=\"https://ucnet.universityofcalifornia.edu/employee-news/uc-increases-minimum-wage-for-designated-health-care-employees/\">a post on its website\u003c/a>, UC Health said it would be moving forward with their scheduled wage hike of $23 an hour “meeting the most ambitious timeline” of June 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, some hospitals have already raised wages because of competition in the labor market. As an independent hospital that serves a high rate of lower-income Medi-Cal patients, the wage law requires Kaweah Health Medical Center in Visalia to raise wages starting at $18 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are already seeing competitive changes in the market that have forced us to implement pay increases now, so we have not waited for June 1st,” Gary Herbst, chief executive of Kaweah Health, said in an email. “We are exceeding the state required $18 to remain competitive, and to continue recruiting and retaining great employees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herbst said he rolled out increases beginning in February, and “will continue to evaluate it as time goes on.” He expects the law to cost his hospital about $30 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"A higher minimum wage for health care workers that Gov. Gavin Newsom signed into law is set to take effect in two weeks, but he is racing to delay it because of its potential impact on the state budget deficit.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1716081228,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":29,"wordCount":1156},"headData":{"title":"California Promised Health Care Workers a Higher Minimum Wage — but Will Newsom Delay It? | KQED","description":"A higher minimum wage for health care workers that Gov. Gavin Newsom signed into law is set to take effect in two weeks, but he is racing to delay it because of its potential impact on the state budget deficit.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Promised Health Care Workers a Higher Minimum Wage — but Will Newsom Delay It?","datePublished":"2024-05-19T06:00:21-07:00","dateModified":"2024-05-18T18:13:48-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/anaibarra/\">Ana B. Ibarra\u003c/a>","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986871/california-promised-health-care-workers-a-higher-minimum-wage-but-will-newsom-delay-it","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/gavin-newsom/\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> is cutting it close. He signed a law last fall that phases in a $25 \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2023/12/minimum-wage-2024/\">minimum wage\u003c/a> for California’s lowest-paid health care workers beginning June 1. Then, he said he wanted to delay it because of its potential to exacerbate the severe \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/budget/\">state budget\u003c/a> shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two weeks before the deadline for employers to start paying more to their employees, many health workers are still waiting to hear whether they will in fact see a raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some health workers remain hopeful. Others have already been notified by their employers of their upcoming raise or have already started to see increased pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Newsom presented his latest budget proposal last week, the governor said negotiations around potential changes to the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/10/california-minimum-wage-health-care-law/\">health worker minimum wage\u003c/a> law, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB525\">Senate Bill 525\u003c/a>, are still taking place. He promised a deal between his administration, the Legislature and proponents of the law would be hashed out in the upcoming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This budget will not be signed without that deal that we committed to being addressed,” Newsom said. He usually signs a budget for the next fiscal year in late June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile the union that advocated for the health care pay increase has launched an advertising campaign that aims to hold Newsom to the law he signed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One ad by Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers West on the \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/seiu_uhw/status/1786116278509527235?s=43\">social media site X \u003c/a>shows a dialysis worker named Alice and it reads, “The dialysis care Alice provides is lifesaving. Yet, with caregivers at her facility starting out at only $18/hr, it’s no wonder there’s a short staffing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A $25/hr minimum wage for healthcare workers will help ensure patients get the care they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nathan Selzer, communications director for SEIU-UHW, said his union posted the messages because, “Our workers were concerned and remain concerned. What we saw in conversations earlier this year was folks really focusing only on money and only on dollars and cents, and not on what those dollars and cents are used for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SEIU-UHW is an affiliate of SEIU California, which sponsored the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We made a decision that we’ve got to make sure we’re reminding people why this was made into law to begin with,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selzer said he is not directly involved in conversations with the governor’s office and legislators, but that confusion among many workers rings true. “We’ve heard June 1, we’ve heard July 1. It remains to be seen what actually happens here,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Deadline to postpone minimum wage hike\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What exactly is holding up the negotiations is unclear. Lawmakers and Newsom would have to pass and sign legislation that would push back the start date within two weeks to delay it effectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he wanted to postpone the wage increase when he released his initial budget proposal in January. He asked the Legislature for an annual “trigger” that would tie the minimum wage increases to the state’s budget outlook. His administration projects the state is facing a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">$27.6 billion deficit\u003c/a> in 2024–25.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has estimated the minimum wage increase could cost the state around $4 billion a year. That’s because the state would have to pay for the wage increases for its own employees at state health facilities and because the state may be forced to increase what it reimburses facilities for services provided to patients on Medi-Cal, its insurance program for low-income people, as a way to partially cover the pay raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Berkeley Labor Center estimates the cost to the state to be much lower. Total health spending in California would increase by about $2.7 billion because of the law, but the state would be responsible only for a fraction of that, according to the Labor Center’s analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laurel Lucia, director of the Health Care Program at the Labor Center, said that there is no requirement in the law that directs the state to raise \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/medi-cal/\">Medi-Cal payments\u003c/a> to hospitals and clinics as a way to make up for the costs of higher wages, but the law could play a role in Medi-Cal rate negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the rates were set for 2024, there was recognition in \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/services/Documents/DirectedPymts/CA-CY-2024-Rate-Certification-Report.pdf\">the (rates) report (PDF)\u003c/a> that there might need to be changes to those rates due to” the minimum wage increase, Lucia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California hospitals, dialysis clinics raising pay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Absent any confirmed changes to the law, some employers and associations representing health employers say they are moving forward with the raises as scheduled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As far as we know, the minimum wage for health care workers will be going up as of June 1. We have no information that would indicate otherwise,” Jan Emerson-Shea, a spokesperson for the California Hospitals Association, said in an email this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11986075,news_11984163,news_11984819"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The California Kidney Care Alliance, a trade association representing dialysis providers and clinics, said members are following the wage requirements as laid out by the law. “In fact, many providers have already increased wages well ahead of the requirements of the bill,” Jaycob Bytel, a spokesperson for the alliance, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://hcai.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/SB-525-Fact-Sheet-HCAI-Hospital-Lists-04_23_24.pdf\">Depending on where they work (PDF)\u003c/a>, employees are scheduled to receive from $18 to $23 an hour starting next month. That’s compared to the current statewide minimum wage of $16.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wage hike will phase in over the years until workers reach $25 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some health systems have already notified employees of the upcoming pay boost, including the University of California Health system. In \u003ca href=\"https://ucnet.universityofcalifornia.edu/employee-news/uc-increases-minimum-wage-for-designated-health-care-employees/\">a post on its website\u003c/a>, UC Health said it would be moving forward with their scheduled wage hike of $23 an hour “meeting the most ambitious timeline” of June 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, some hospitals have already raised wages because of competition in the labor market. As an independent hospital that serves a high rate of lower-income Medi-Cal patients, the wage law requires Kaweah Health Medical Center in Visalia to raise wages starting at $18 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are already seeing competitive changes in the market that have forced us to implement pay increases now, so we have not waited for June 1st,” Gary Herbst, chief executive of Kaweah Health, said in an email. “We are exceeding the state required $18 to remain competitive, and to continue recruiting and retaining great employees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herbst said he rolled out increases beginning in February, and “will continue to evaluate it as time goes on.” He expects the law to cost his hospital about $30 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986871/california-promised-health-care-workers-a-higher-minimum-wage-but-will-newsom-delay-it","authors":["byline_news_11986871"],"categories":["news_457","news_8"],"tags":["news_27626","news_25015","news_18543","news_683","news_24939"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11986873","label":"news_18481"},"news_11986700":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986700","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986700","score":null,"sort":[1715972441000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-budget-deficit-forces-lawmakers-to-shelve-bills-on-psychedelic-therapy-reparations","title":"California Deficit Forces Lawmakers to Shelve Bills on Psychedelic Therapy, Reparations","publishDate":1715972441,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California Deficit Forces Lawmakers to Shelve Bills on Psychedelic Therapy, Reparations | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>California’s budget crunch is forcing the Legislature to scale back its agenda this session, with bills to legalize psychedelic therapy, offer reparations to the descendants of enslaved people, and require more transparency around who is paying for lawmakers’ sponsored travel among the early carnage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">estimated deficits of tens of billions of dollars\u003c/a> over the next two years, leaders of the Legislature’s appropriations committees said on Thursday that they had to make especially difficult decisions as they held or amended hundreds of proposals with a significant cost during the biannual culling process \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2017/09/capitol-suspense-california-bills-vanish-almost-without-trace/\">known as the suspense file\u003c/a> — though most of the bills in each committee still passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The budget had a huge impact on what we did,” state Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/anna-caballero-101330\">Anna Caballero\u003c/a>, a Salinas Democrat who leads Senate appropriations, told CalMatters. “We were trying to keep costs down and really trying to live within our means.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the \u003ca href=\"https://sapro.senate.ca.gov/sites/sapro.senate.ca.gov/files/2024%20Senate%20Suspense%20Bills%20%28Unofficial%20Results%20for%20Posting%29.pdf\">341 bills on the Senate suspense file\u003c/a>, 87 — or about 25.5% — were held, in line with the average over the past decade. But another 121 were amended, even as they advanced to the floor before a crucial deadline next Friday for measures to pass their house of origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Authors were asked to amend their bills to take out the more expensive stuff,” Caballero said. “We don’t have the money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly’s appropriations committee held 233 of the \u003ca href=\"https://apro.assembly.ca.gov/system/files/2024-05/unofficial-results-may-16-2024.pdf\">668 bills on its suspense file\u003c/a>, or about 34.5% — slightly higher than last May \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/california-budget-suspense-file/\">when 29% were shelved\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those included Assembly Bill 2751 by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/matt-haney-165453\">Matt Haney\u003c/a>, a San Francisco Democrat, which would have barred employers from \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2751\">contacting workers outside of scheduled hours\u003c/a>, and AB 2808 by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/buffy-wicks-165044\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a>, an Oakland Democrat who chairs the committee, which would have \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2808?slug=CA_202320240AB2808\">limited companies such as Ticketmaster\u003c/a> from being able to resell event tickets exclusively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have an obligation to balance the budget here in California — we can’t go into debt,” Wicks told reporters after the hearing, where she killed another attempt to establish a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2200\">single-payer health care system\u003c/a> in California, a policy she has supported in the past. “We needed to be responsible with taxpayers’ money, so that’s why we had to make some tough calls today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a>, who authored the single-payer bill, said after \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/02/california-single-payer-legislature/\">two years of negotiations\u003c/a>, he was confident it would have passed\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>the Assembly.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am deeply disappointed the Assembly Appropriations Committee failed to recognize the significant cost-saving potential of AB 2200,” he said in a statement. “Study after study has shown that a single-payer system will not only cost less than our current system but can safeguard the State from future deficits while stimulating economic growth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Caballero and Wicks are newly in charge of their respective committees this year, overseeing their first suspense file hearings as the state works through how to close a massive deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">unveiled his proposed spending plan\u003c/a> last week to address the looming shortfall, estimated at $56 billion over the next two fiscal years — and more by legislative finance officials — even after he and lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/budget-deficit-california-deal/\">took early action to reduce it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more than $30 billion in cuts to education, public health, environmental and other programs on the line, Newsom is likely to have little appetite this year for pricey new legislation. He has already urged discipline over the past two sessions as California’s finances softened, vetoing dozens of bills that he said would add unaccounted costs to the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suspense file, where all legislation with a major fiscal impact is considered concurrently and dispensed within a rapid-fire hearing, has also long provided the Legislature with an easier way to kill controversial or undesirable bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caballero refused to discuss any of her specific decisions, citing only cost considerations, including shelving Senate Bill 1012, which would have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/02/psychedelic-therapy-legalize/\">legalized the use of hallucinogenic drugs in therapeutic settings\u003c/a>. Newsom vetoed a broader decriminalization of psychedelics last year, and supporters hoped their focus on therapy would provide a path forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986705\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986705\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Senate appropriations committee hearing on May 16, 2024. On Thursday, the Assembly and Senate appropriations committees held their first round of suspense file hearings. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Psychedelics have massive promise in helping people heal and get their lives back on track,” Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/scott-wiener-100936\">Scott Wiener\u003c/a>, a San Francisco Democrat who carried the bill, said in a statement. “I’m highly committed to this issue, and we’ll continue to work on expanding access to psychedelics.” [aside label='Related Coverage' tag='california-law']The Senate also killed SB 1422, a transparency measure to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1422?slug=CA_202320240SB1422\">require more reporting\u003c/a> about who is paying for legislators’ sponsored travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, from Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/benjamin-allen-70\">Ben Allen\u003c/a>, a Santa Monica Democrat, followed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-legislators-travel-disclosure/\">reporting last year by CalMatters that found\u003c/a> a 2015 law requiring the organizers of these legislative trips to disclose their major donors annually had only been used twice, despite interest groups paying for millions of dollars in travel for lawmakers during that time. Allen’s measure aimed to tighten the eligibility criteria for reporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the same day that the Assembly passed a bill requiring California to apologize for its role in perpetuating slavery, the Senate appropriations committee held two other measures that would have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/04/reparations-california-legislature/\">provided more direct reparations\u003c/a> to the descendants of enslaved people: SB 1007, a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1007?slug=CA_202320240SB1007\">housing assistance program\u003c/a>, and SB 1013, a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1013?slug=CA_202320240SB1013\">property tax assistance program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both were carried by Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/steven-bradford-100945\">Steven Bradford\u003c/a>, an Inglewood Democrat and member of the state reparations task force, who has been critical of legislative efforts that he said do not go far enough to address systemic inequities. Several other proposals of his, including SB 1403 to establish a state agency that would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/06/reparations-california/\">carry out the task force’s recommendations\u003c/a>, continue to advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the words of Dr. Martin Luther King, you need to accept finite disappointment but have infinite hope,” Bradford told reporters following the hearing. “We have a good foundation to work from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The state’s multibillion-dollar shortfall shapes which spending bills survived the ‘suspense file’ hearings by the Assembly and Senate appropriations committees.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715972835,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":23,"wordCount":1073},"headData":{"title":"California Deficit Forces Lawmakers to Shelve Bills on Psychedelic Therapy, Reparations | KQED","description":"The state’s multibillion-dollar shortfall shapes which spending bills survived the ‘suspense file’ hearings by the Assembly and Senate appropriations committees.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Deficit Forces Lawmakers to Shelve Bills on Psychedelic Therapy, Reparations","datePublished":"2024-05-17T12:00:41-07:00","dateModified":"2024-05-17T12:07:15-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"CalMatters","sourceUrl":"https://calmatters.org/","sticky":false,"nprByline":"Alexei Koseff and Sameea Kamal, CalMatters","nprStoryId":"kqed-11986700","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986700/california-budget-deficit-forces-lawmakers-to-shelve-bills-on-psychedelic-therapy-reparations","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s budget crunch is forcing the Legislature to scale back its agenda this session, with bills to legalize psychedelic therapy, offer reparations to the descendants of enslaved people, and require more transparency around who is paying for lawmakers’ sponsored travel among the early carnage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">estimated deficits of tens of billions of dollars\u003c/a> over the next two years, leaders of the Legislature’s appropriations committees said on Thursday that they had to make especially difficult decisions as they held or amended hundreds of proposals with a significant cost during the biannual culling process \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2017/09/capitol-suspense-california-bills-vanish-almost-without-trace/\">known as the suspense file\u003c/a> — though most of the bills in each committee still passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The budget had a huge impact on what we did,” state Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/anna-caballero-101330\">Anna Caballero\u003c/a>, a Salinas Democrat who leads Senate appropriations, told CalMatters. “We were trying to keep costs down and really trying to live within our means.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the \u003ca href=\"https://sapro.senate.ca.gov/sites/sapro.senate.ca.gov/files/2024%20Senate%20Suspense%20Bills%20%28Unofficial%20Results%20for%20Posting%29.pdf\">341 bills on the Senate suspense file\u003c/a>, 87 — or about 25.5% — were held, in line with the average over the past decade. But another 121 were amended, even as they advanced to the floor before a crucial deadline next Friday for measures to pass their house of origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Authors were asked to amend their bills to take out the more expensive stuff,” Caballero said. “We don’t have the money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly’s appropriations committee held 233 of the \u003ca href=\"https://apro.assembly.ca.gov/system/files/2024-05/unofficial-results-may-16-2024.pdf\">668 bills on its suspense file\u003c/a>, or about 34.5% — slightly higher than last May \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/california-budget-suspense-file/\">when 29% were shelved\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those included Assembly Bill 2751 by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/matt-haney-165453\">Matt Haney\u003c/a>, a San Francisco Democrat, which would have barred employers from \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2751\">contacting workers outside of scheduled hours\u003c/a>, and AB 2808 by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/buffy-wicks-165044\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a>, an Oakland Democrat who chairs the committee, which would have \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2808?slug=CA_202320240AB2808\">limited companies such as Ticketmaster\u003c/a> from being able to resell event tickets exclusively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have an obligation to balance the budget here in California — we can’t go into debt,” Wicks told reporters after the hearing, where she killed another attempt to establish a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2200\">single-payer health care system\u003c/a> in California, a policy she has supported in the past. “We needed to be responsible with taxpayers’ money, so that’s why we had to make some tough calls today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a>, who authored the single-payer bill, said after \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/02/california-single-payer-legislature/\">two years of negotiations\u003c/a>, he was confident it would have passed\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>the Assembly.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am deeply disappointed the Assembly Appropriations Committee failed to recognize the significant cost-saving potential of AB 2200,” he said in a statement. “Study after study has shown that a single-payer system will not only cost less than our current system but can safeguard the State from future deficits while stimulating economic growth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Caballero and Wicks are newly in charge of their respective committees this year, overseeing their first suspense file hearings as the state works through how to close a massive deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">unveiled his proposed spending plan\u003c/a> last week to address the looming shortfall, estimated at $56 billion over the next two fiscal years — and more by legislative finance officials — even after he and lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/budget-deficit-california-deal/\">took early action to reduce it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more than $30 billion in cuts to education, public health, environmental and other programs on the line, Newsom is likely to have little appetite this year for pricey new legislation. He has already urged discipline over the past two sessions as California’s finances softened, vetoing dozens of bills that he said would add unaccounted costs to the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suspense file, where all legislation with a major fiscal impact is considered concurrently and dispensed within a rapid-fire hearing, has also long provided the Legislature with an easier way to kill controversial or undesirable bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caballero refused to discuss any of her specific decisions, citing only cost considerations, including shelving Senate Bill 1012, which would have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/02/psychedelic-therapy-legalize/\">legalized the use of hallucinogenic drugs in therapeutic settings\u003c/a>. Newsom vetoed a broader decriminalization of psychedelics last year, and supporters hoped their focus on therapy would provide a path forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986705\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986705\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Senate appropriations committee hearing on May 16, 2024. On Thursday, the Assembly and Senate appropriations committees held their first round of suspense file hearings. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Psychedelics have massive promise in helping people heal and get their lives back on track,” Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/scott-wiener-100936\">Scott Wiener\u003c/a>, a San Francisco Democrat who carried the bill, said in a statement. “I’m highly committed to this issue, and we’ll continue to work on expanding access to psychedelics.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Coverage ","tag":"california-law"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Senate also killed SB 1422, a transparency measure to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1422?slug=CA_202320240SB1422\">require more reporting\u003c/a> about who is paying for legislators’ sponsored travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, from Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/benjamin-allen-70\">Ben Allen\u003c/a>, a Santa Monica Democrat, followed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-legislators-travel-disclosure/\">reporting last year by CalMatters that found\u003c/a> a 2015 law requiring the organizers of these legislative trips to disclose their major donors annually had only been used twice, despite interest groups paying for millions of dollars in travel for lawmakers during that time. Allen’s measure aimed to tighten the eligibility criteria for reporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the same day that the Assembly passed a bill requiring California to apologize for its role in perpetuating slavery, the Senate appropriations committee held two other measures that would have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/04/reparations-california-legislature/\">provided more direct reparations\u003c/a> to the descendants of enslaved people: SB 1007, a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1007?slug=CA_202320240SB1007\">housing assistance program\u003c/a>, and SB 1013, a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1013?slug=CA_202320240SB1013\">property tax assistance program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both were carried by Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/steven-bradford-100945\">Steven Bradford\u003c/a>, an Inglewood Democrat and member of the state reparations task force, who has been critical of legislative efforts that he said do not go far enough to address systemic inequities. Several other proposals of his, including SB 1403 to establish a state agency that would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/06/reparations-california/\">carry out the task force’s recommendations\u003c/a>, continue to advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the words of Dr. Martin Luther King, you need to accept finite disappointment but have infinite hope,” Bradford told reporters following the hearing. “We have a good foundation to work from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986700/california-budget-deficit-forces-lawmakers-to-shelve-bills-on-psychedelic-therapy-reparations","authors":["byline_news_11986700"],"categories":["news_31795","news_8"],"tags":["news_18538","news_30069","news_16","news_17968"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11986701","label":"source_news_11986700"},"news_11986301":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986301","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986301","score":null,"sort":[1715799600000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"newsoms-budget-proposal-cuts-200-million-from-uc-and-cal-state-funding","title":"Newsom's Budget Proposal Cuts $200 Million from UC and Cal State Funding","publishDate":1715799600,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Newsom’s Budget Proposal Cuts $200 Million from UC and Cal State Funding | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Chalk it up to California dreaming: Not even three years ago, Gov. Gavin Newsom promised California’s public universities five years of annual growth in state support totalling more than $2 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the governor’s updated budget plan for next year instead aims to cut the University of California and California State University by a combined $200 million in response to the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">state’s project multi-billion-dollar budget deficit\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The five-year compact is at risk of turning into a humbler two-year vow, underscoring the difficulty of projecting multiple years of support for California’s top generators of bachelor’s degree recipients — a state particularly at the mercy of large revenue swings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11985798,news_11983823\" label=\"Related Stories\"]The UC would see a $125 million base funding cut in 2024-25, with plans to restore that dip in 2025-26. For Cal State, the governor’s May budget revision includes a $75 million cut that’ll be restored in 2025-26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The numbers were shared with CalMatters after it sought more detail from the California Department of Finance about its higher-education plans that are part of the annual May Revise process. It’s an update to the governor’s initial January proposal and sets the stage for intense budget negotiations with the Legislature to finalize a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/budget/\">state budget\u003c/a> by late June. The 2024-25 budget year begins July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fiscal outlook gets modestly rosier later for the two systems, which combined run 33 universities that enroll around 750,000 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each system would receive a modest bump of 2.05% in 2025-26 — a far cry from the 10% the governor projected in his January budget proposal. That 10% itself was a compromise. Each system was supposed to see a 5% bump in 2024-25 and the same in 2025-26. But in January, Newsom called for no bump in year one and to double-up in year two as a way to manage the state deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That 10% for the two systems would have meant $1 billion combined in 2025-26, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4829#:~:text=%241%C2%A0billion%20ongoing%20General%20Fund%20augmentation\">according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>. A mere 2% increase would total roughly $200 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analyst’s office basically presaged the change of fortune for the universities. When Newsom unveiled his compact plan in 2022, a promise of increased spending in exchange for improvements in student academics, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4499#:~:text=Compacts%20Historically%20Have%20Not%20Been%20Accurate%20Guide%20for%20the%20Future\">the office wrote\u003c/a>: “We caution the Legislature against putting too much stake in the Governor’s outyear commitments to the universities.” Previous governors have rarely “been able to sustain their compacts over time,” the office noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One reason? “In some cases, changing economic and fiscal conditions in the state have led governors to suspend their compacts,” the office wrote then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether lawmakers fight to restore these cuts is an open question. More money for campuses means they can pay to hire more faculty and offer more classes students need to graduate. The additional state support is also a particular lifeline for Cal State, which agreed to 5% raises for its roughly 60,000 unionized workers, including the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/02/cal-state-faculty-contract/\">nearly 30,000 faculty who went on strike\u003c/a> late last year and early this year demanding wage and benefits gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a dollar spent one place means it’s not spent elsewhere, and the governor is also proposing to swing his budgetary scythe at student financial aid. Under his May revision, the Middle Class Scholarship would shrink by more than $500 million to $100 million \u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/352/2024/05/2024-25-May-Revision-General-Fund-Solutions.pdf#page=8\">each of the next two years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 300,000 students received that award this year, with average amounts between $2,000 and $3,000. If the governor’s plan becomes law, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/05/california-financial-aid-2/\">those amounts could shrink by 80%, on average\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One higher-education watchdog worries the cuts and limited growth will affect low-income students most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With this funding being cut, I think it’s going to require a real concerted effort over multiple years to make sure that those students are brought back into higher education and have the supports that they need over multiple years to actually make it to graduation,” said Joshua Hagen, director of policy and advocacy at the Campaign for College Opportunity, a nonprofit advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The latest version of the budget cuts funding by a combined $200 million for the state’s two public university systems.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715801153,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":17,"wordCount":727},"headData":{"title":"Newsom's Budget Proposal Cuts $200 Million from UC and Cal State Funding | KQED","description":"The latest version of the budget cuts funding by a combined $200 million for the state’s two public university systems.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Newsom's Budget Proposal Cuts $200 Million from UC and Cal State Funding","datePublished":"2024-05-15T12:00:00-07:00","dateModified":"2024-05-15T12:25:53-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"Mikhail Zinshteyn, CalMatters","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986301/newsoms-budget-proposal-cuts-200-million-from-uc-and-cal-state-funding","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Chalk it up to California dreaming: Not even three years ago, Gov. Gavin Newsom promised California’s public universities five years of annual growth in state support totalling more than $2 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the governor’s updated budget plan for next year instead aims to cut the University of California and California State University by a combined $200 million in response to the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">state’s project multi-billion-dollar budget deficit\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The five-year compact is at risk of turning into a humbler two-year vow, underscoring the difficulty of projecting multiple years of support for California’s top generators of bachelor’s degree recipients — a state particularly at the mercy of large revenue swings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11985798,news_11983823","label":"Related Stories "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The UC would see a $125 million base funding cut in 2024-25, with plans to restore that dip in 2025-26. For Cal State, the governor’s May budget revision includes a $75 million cut that’ll be restored in 2025-26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The numbers were shared with CalMatters after it sought more detail from the California Department of Finance about its higher-education plans that are part of the annual May Revise process. It’s an update to the governor’s initial January proposal and sets the stage for intense budget negotiations with the Legislature to finalize a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/budget/\">state budget\u003c/a> by late June. The 2024-25 budget year begins July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fiscal outlook gets modestly rosier later for the two systems, which combined run 33 universities that enroll around 750,000 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each system would receive a modest bump of 2.05% in 2025-26 — a far cry from the 10% the governor projected in his January budget proposal. That 10% itself was a compromise. Each system was supposed to see a 5% bump in 2024-25 and the same in 2025-26. But in January, Newsom called for no bump in year one and to double-up in year two as a way to manage the state deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That 10% for the two systems would have meant $1 billion combined in 2025-26, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4829#:~:text=%241%C2%A0billion%20ongoing%20General%20Fund%20augmentation\">according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>. A mere 2% increase would total roughly $200 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analyst’s office basically presaged the change of fortune for the universities. When Newsom unveiled his compact plan in 2022, a promise of increased spending in exchange for improvements in student academics, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4499#:~:text=Compacts%20Historically%20Have%20Not%20Been%20Accurate%20Guide%20for%20the%20Future\">the office wrote\u003c/a>: “We caution the Legislature against putting too much stake in the Governor’s outyear commitments to the universities.” Previous governors have rarely “been able to sustain their compacts over time,” the office noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One reason? “In some cases, changing economic and fiscal conditions in the state have led governors to suspend their compacts,” the office wrote then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether lawmakers fight to restore these cuts is an open question. More money for campuses means they can pay to hire more faculty and offer more classes students need to graduate. The additional state support is also a particular lifeline for Cal State, which agreed to 5% raises for its roughly 60,000 unionized workers, including the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/02/cal-state-faculty-contract/\">nearly 30,000 faculty who went on strike\u003c/a> late last year and early this year demanding wage and benefits gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a dollar spent one place means it’s not spent elsewhere, and the governor is also proposing to swing his budgetary scythe at student financial aid. Under his May revision, the Middle Class Scholarship would shrink by more than $500 million to $100 million \u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/352/2024/05/2024-25-May-Revision-General-Fund-Solutions.pdf#page=8\">each of the next two years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 300,000 students received that award this year, with average amounts between $2,000 and $3,000. If the governor’s plan becomes law, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/05/california-financial-aid-2/\">those amounts could shrink by 80%, on average\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One higher-education watchdog worries the cuts and limited growth will affect low-income students most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With this funding being cut, I think it’s going to require a real concerted effort over multiple years to make sure that those students are brought back into higher education and have the supports that they need over multiple years to actually make it to graduation,” said Joshua Hagen, director of policy and advocacy at the Campaign for College Opportunity, a nonprofit advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986301/newsoms-budget-proposal-cuts-200-million-from-uc-and-cal-state-funding","authors":["byline_news_11986301"],"categories":["news_18540","news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_22178","news_221","news_25015"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11986302","label":"news_18481"},"news_11985912":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11985912","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11985912","score":null,"sort":[1715626800000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-considers-mandatory-sobriety-for-homeless-shelter-access","title":"California Considers Using State Funding to Support Sober Housing","publishDate":1715626800,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California Considers Using State Funding to Support Sober Housing | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Desperate for a way to help the tens of thousands of people living in tents, cars and RVs on California’s streets, lawmakers are attempting to upend a key tenet of the state’s homelessness policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two new bills would allow state funding to support sober housing — a significant departure from current law, which requires providers to accept people regardless of their drug and alcohol use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people want to get off of drugs and away from drugs, we should give them that option,” said \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/matt-haney-165453\">Assemblymember Matt Haney\u003c/a>, a Democrat from San Francisco who wrote \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2479\">Assembly Bill 2479\u003c/a>. “They shouldn’t be forced to live next to people who are using drugs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are at least 12,000 sober living beds in the state, but more than twice that many Californians who would qualify for those services, according to data from the California Research Bureau quoted in the Assembly Health Committee’s analysis of the second bill, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2893\">AB 2893\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As state law prohibits spending housing funding on sobriety-focused programs, many are funded by private donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawmakers behind the two bills say they aren’t trying to alter the key idea that everyone deserves immediate housing, even people struggling with addictions. Instead, they’re attempting to give more choices to people who want to be sober. However, some experts worry that because California has a shortage of homeless housing, people who relapse into sober housing or who don’t want to stay sober would have nowhere to go but back to the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills come as California’s homelessness population is skyrocketing, having increased from about 118,000 in 2016 to more than 181,000 last year. Some critics blame and want to overturn the state’s inclusive housing policy. At the same time, as public fears about crime soar, voters in some liberal cities are putting limits on who can receive public assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco voters this year passed an initiative \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/sf-march-election-prop-f-results-drug-screening-18693764.php\">mandating drug screenings\u003c/a> for welfare recipients. In San Diego County, Vista Mayor John Franklin recently introduced a measure pledging not to support “any program that enables continued drug use” and criticizing Housing First for precluding sober housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we are seeing a cultural shift,” said Christopher Calton, a research fellow who studies housing and homelessness for libertarian think-tank the Independent Institute. “People are starting to say these permissive policies aren’t working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California’s ‘Housing First’ homelessness policy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At issue is the state’s adherence to “Housing First,” a framework where homeless residents are offered housing immediately and with minimal caveats or requirements, regardless of sobriety. The housing should be “low-barrier,” meaning residents are not required to participate in recovery or other programs. After someone is housed, providers are then supposed to offer voluntary substance use and mental health treatment, job training, or other services. The idea is that if people don’t have to focus all their energy on simply surviving on the streets, they’re better equipped to work on their other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-funding/active-funding/docs/housing-first-fact-sheet.pdf\">Housing First became the law of the land\u003c/a> in California in 2016 when the state required all state-funded programs to adopt the model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The dormitory at the Embarcadero SAFE Navigation Center at the corner of Embarcadero and Beale St in San Francisco on Jan. 30, 2020. The 200-bed shelter opened in December of 2019. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The federal government also uses that framework. However, in 2015, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hudexchange.info/resource/4852/recovery-housing-policy-brief/\">U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development said\u003c/a> requiring sobriety is not necessarily anti-Housing First. California did not follow suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Republicans and conservative-leaning groups are now pushing to overturn California’s Housing First framework, saying it hasn’t successfully reduced homelessness. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/people/165420\">Assemblymember Josh Hoover\u003c/a>, from Folsom, is trying to completely repeal Housing First with \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2417\">AB 2417\u003c/a>. That bill has yet to be heard by a committee and likely won’t advance this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, with more than 180,000 Californians lacking a home, even Democrats want to see changes. The bills by Haney and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/christopher-ward-35497\">Assemblymember Chris Ward\u003c/a> of San Diego would allow up to 25% of state funds in each county to go toward sober housing.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='housing']Neither Democrat wants to upend Housing First. Instead, they want sober housing facilities to operate under a Housing First framework. Haney’s bill would require counties to make sure sober facilities kept people housed at rates similar to facilities without sobriety requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both bills specify that tenants should not be kicked out of their sober housing just because they relapse, and instead, they should get support to help them recover. If a resident is no longer interested in being sober, the program should help them move into another housing program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having a sober living option for people who want it would be a good thing — but it would have to be their choice, said Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for The Corporation for Supportive Housing. But homeless housing is so scarce in California that it’s unlikely participants would be given a true choice, she said. And, these bills would divert already limited state money away from low-barrier housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My worry is that we have one pie of funding for housing,” she said. “So it’s not like we’re saying, ‘Let’s add extra money and try this other approach.’ We’d be saying, ‘Let’s spend less money on harm-reduction housing.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her organization has not taken an official position on the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make sure people don’t end up back on the street after a relapse, counties would have to keep spaces in low-barrier housing free in case someone needs to move out of sober housing, Haney said. But that’s not explicitly mandated in the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One key motivation for Haney to draft his sober housing bill is the surge of deaths caused by the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-opioid-crisis/\">opioid fentanyl\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our Housing First policies in California do not reflect the realities of fentanyl and the need to provide pathways to get off of and away from such a deadly drug,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overdose deaths are rampant inside San Francisco’s homeless housing, a 2022\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2022/san-francisco-sros-overdoses/\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> investigation\u003c/a> found. But the state doesn’t track those deaths in public housing, meaning if Haney’s sober housing bill passes, it will be all but impossible to tell whether it saves lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state should track those deaths, Haney said, adding, “Maybe I’ll do that bill next year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Does Housing First work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The argument against Housing First is simple: Since California adopted the policy, the state’s homeless population has grown by more than half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But experts say that’s because high housing costs push people onto the streets faster than the state’s overburdened supportive housing system can pull them back inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985917\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985917\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tent under a freeway overpass in Oakland, photographed on Tuesday, Jan. 31, 2017, the day of the Point-In-Time survey of Alameda County’s homeless population. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under immense pressure to do something about the crisis, politicians are pointing to Housing First as a scapegoat, said Ann Oliva, CEO of the National Alliance to End Homelessness. But that’s like blaming the emergency room for the number of COVID patients coming in during the pandemic, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple studies have \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/periodicals/em/spring-summer-23/highlight2.html\">shown Housing First to be successful\u003c/a>. The Department of Veterans Affairs in 2010 found adopting Housing FIrst \u003ca href=\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/jcop.21554\">reduced the time it took\u003c/a> to place people in housing from 223 days to 35 days. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4679127/\">A two-year study in five Canadian cities\u003c/a> found that Housing First participants spent 73% of their time in stable housing, compared with 32% in non-Housing First programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People Assisting the Homeless (PATH), which operates Housing First programs in Southern California and the Bay Area, reported that 94% of people who moved in were still housed a year later. Destination: Home in Santa Clara County, which spearheads the county’s Housing First efforts, reported similar results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is as much evidence as I think would be necessary to show that this model works really well.” CEO Jennifer Loving said. “And the problem is we haven’t been able to do enough of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Correction: The initial headline KQED used for this story was inaccurate. California is not considering making sobriety a mandatory requirement for shelter access. Rather, the state is considering using funding to support sober housing. We have since revised the headline to reflect this, and apologize for the inaccuracy.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Two new bills would allow state funding to support sober housing for unhoused residents, a significant departure from California’s current 'Housing First' law.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715909033,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":32,"wordCount":1501},"headData":{"title":"California Considers Using State Funding to Support Sober Housing | KQED","description":"Two new bills would allow state funding to support sober housing for unhoused residents, a significant departure from California’s current 'Housing First' law.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Considers Using State Funding to Support Sober Housing","datePublished":"2024-05-13T12:00:00-07:00","dateModified":"2024-05-16T18:23:53-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"Marisa Kendall, CalMatters","nprStoryId":"kqed-11985912","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11985912/california-considers-mandatory-sobriety-for-homeless-shelter-access","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Desperate for a way to help the tens of thousands of people living in tents, cars and RVs on California’s streets, lawmakers are attempting to upend a key tenet of the state’s homelessness policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two new bills would allow state funding to support sober housing — a significant departure from current law, which requires providers to accept people regardless of their drug and alcohol use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people want to get off of drugs and away from drugs, we should give them that option,” said \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/matt-haney-165453\">Assemblymember Matt Haney\u003c/a>, a Democrat from San Francisco who wrote \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2479\">Assembly Bill 2479\u003c/a>. “They shouldn’t be forced to live next to people who are using drugs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are at least 12,000 sober living beds in the state, but more than twice that many Californians who would qualify for those services, according to data from the California Research Bureau quoted in the Assembly Health Committee’s analysis of the second bill, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2893\">AB 2893\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As state law prohibits spending housing funding on sobriety-focused programs, many are funded by private donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawmakers behind the two bills say they aren’t trying to alter the key idea that everyone deserves immediate housing, even people struggling with addictions. Instead, they’re attempting to give more choices to people who want to be sober. However, some experts worry that because California has a shortage of homeless housing, people who relapse into sober housing or who don’t want to stay sober would have nowhere to go but back to the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills come as California’s homelessness population is skyrocketing, having increased from about 118,000 in 2016 to more than 181,000 last year. Some critics blame and want to overturn the state’s inclusive housing policy. At the same time, as public fears about crime soar, voters in some liberal cities are putting limits on who can receive public assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco voters this year passed an initiative \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/sf-march-election-prop-f-results-drug-screening-18693764.php\">mandating drug screenings\u003c/a> for welfare recipients. In San Diego County, Vista Mayor John Franklin recently introduced a measure pledging not to support “any program that enables continued drug use” and criticizing Housing First for precluding sober housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we are seeing a cultural shift,” said Christopher Calton, a research fellow who studies housing and homelessness for libertarian think-tank the Independent Institute. “People are starting to say these permissive policies aren’t working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California’s ‘Housing First’ homelessness policy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At issue is the state’s adherence to “Housing First,” a framework where homeless residents are offered housing immediately and with minimal caveats or requirements, regardless of sobriety. The housing should be “low-barrier,” meaning residents are not required to participate in recovery or other programs. After someone is housed, providers are then supposed to offer voluntary substance use and mental health treatment, job training, or other services. The idea is that if people don’t have to focus all their energy on simply surviving on the streets, they’re better equipped to work on their other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-funding/active-funding/docs/housing-first-fact-sheet.pdf\">Housing First became the law of the land\u003c/a> in California in 2016 when the state required all state-funded programs to adopt the model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The dormitory at the Embarcadero SAFE Navigation Center at the corner of Embarcadero and Beale St in San Francisco on Jan. 30, 2020. The 200-bed shelter opened in December of 2019. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The federal government also uses that framework. However, in 2015, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hudexchange.info/resource/4852/recovery-housing-policy-brief/\">U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development said\u003c/a> requiring sobriety is not necessarily anti-Housing First. California did not follow suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Republicans and conservative-leaning groups are now pushing to overturn California’s Housing First framework, saying it hasn’t successfully reduced homelessness. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/people/165420\">Assemblymember Josh Hoover\u003c/a>, from Folsom, is trying to completely repeal Housing First with \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2417\">AB 2417\u003c/a>. That bill has yet to be heard by a committee and likely won’t advance this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, with more than 180,000 Californians lacking a home, even Democrats want to see changes. The bills by Haney and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/christopher-ward-35497\">Assemblymember Chris Ward\u003c/a> of San Diego would allow up to 25% of state funds in each county to go toward sober housing.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Coverage ","tag":"housing"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Neither Democrat wants to upend Housing First. Instead, they want sober housing facilities to operate under a Housing First framework. Haney’s bill would require counties to make sure sober facilities kept people housed at rates similar to facilities without sobriety requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both bills specify that tenants should not be kicked out of their sober housing just because they relapse, and instead, they should get support to help them recover. If a resident is no longer interested in being sober, the program should help them move into another housing program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having a sober living option for people who want it would be a good thing — but it would have to be their choice, said Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for The Corporation for Supportive Housing. But homeless housing is so scarce in California that it’s unlikely participants would be given a true choice, she said. And, these bills would divert already limited state money away from low-barrier housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My worry is that we have one pie of funding for housing,” she said. “So it’s not like we’re saying, ‘Let’s add extra money and try this other approach.’ We’d be saying, ‘Let’s spend less money on harm-reduction housing.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her organization has not taken an official position on the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make sure people don’t end up back on the street after a relapse, counties would have to keep spaces in low-barrier housing free in case someone needs to move out of sober housing, Haney said. But that’s not explicitly mandated in the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One key motivation for Haney to draft his sober housing bill is the surge of deaths caused by the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-opioid-crisis/\">opioid fentanyl\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our Housing First policies in California do not reflect the realities of fentanyl and the need to provide pathways to get off of and away from such a deadly drug,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overdose deaths are rampant inside San Francisco’s homeless housing, a 2022\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2022/san-francisco-sros-overdoses/\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> investigation\u003c/a> found. But the state doesn’t track those deaths in public housing, meaning if Haney’s sober housing bill passes, it will be all but impossible to tell whether it saves lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state should track those deaths, Haney said, adding, “Maybe I’ll do that bill next year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Does Housing First work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The argument against Housing First is simple: Since California adopted the policy, the state’s homeless population has grown by more than half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But experts say that’s because high housing costs push people onto the streets faster than the state’s overburdened supportive housing system can pull them back inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985917\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985917\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tent under a freeway overpass in Oakland, photographed on Tuesday, Jan. 31, 2017, the day of the Point-In-Time survey of Alameda County’s homeless population. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under immense pressure to do something about the crisis, politicians are pointing to Housing First as a scapegoat, said Ann Oliva, CEO of the National Alliance to End Homelessness. But that’s like blaming the emergency room for the number of COVID patients coming in during the pandemic, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple studies have \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/periodicals/em/spring-summer-23/highlight2.html\">shown Housing First to be successful\u003c/a>. The Department of Veterans Affairs in 2010 found adopting Housing FIrst \u003ca href=\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/jcop.21554\">reduced the time it took\u003c/a> to place people in housing from 223 days to 35 days. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4679127/\">A two-year study in five Canadian cities\u003c/a> found that Housing First participants spent 73% of their time in stable housing, compared with 32% in non-Housing First programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People Assisting the Homeless (PATH), which operates Housing First programs in Southern California and the Bay Area, reported that 94% of people who moved in were still housed a year later. Destination: Home in Santa Clara County, which spearheads the county’s Housing First efforts, reported similar results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is as much evidence as I think would be necessary to show that this model works really well.” CEO Jennifer Loving said. “And the problem is we haven’t been able to do enough of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Correction: The initial headline KQED used for this story was inaccurate. California is not considering making sobriety a mandatory requirement for shelter access. Rather, the state is considering using funding to support sober housing. We have since revised the headline to reflect this, and apologize for the inaccuracy.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11985912/california-considers-mandatory-sobriety-for-homeless-shelter-access","authors":["byline_news_11985912"],"categories":["news_6266","news_8"],"tags":["news_18538","news_22903","news_1775"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11985915","label":"news_18481"},"news_11985839":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11985839","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11985839","score":null,"sort":[1715518831000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-could-save-millions-by-closing-more-prisons-so-why-is-newsom-holding-back","title":"California Could Save Millions by Closing More Prisons. So Why Is Newsom Holding Back?","publishDate":1715518831,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California Could Save Millions by Closing More Prisons. So Why Is Newsom Holding Back? | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/gavin-newsom/\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> faces a huge deficit this spring, and he has one especially big money-saving option that he’s not using.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s rapidly falling inmate population could allow Newsom to close as many as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/02/how-many-prisons-does-california-need/\">five more prisons\u003c/a>, analysts say, saving $1 billion a year at a moment when he’s pulling from reserves to bring the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/california-budget/\">state budget\u003c/a> into the black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Newsom wants to take a more cautious approach to trimming prison beds. His new budget proposal calls on the corrections department to close 46 housing blocks inside 13 state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison yard closures save money and decrease the need for staffing, but not to the extent of a prison shutdown. Newsom’s proposal would save about $80 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saying his administration had been “scrutinizing” the prisons budget, Newsom said “We’re mindful of the direction we’re going as it relates to public safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the inmate population’s peak in 2006, California locked up 165,000 people in state prisons. Today, after a decade of sentencing changes, federal court intervention and a surge of releases tied to COVID-19, California’s prisons house about 93,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of that trend, Newsom has already moved to close four prisons over the course of his administration. He projects that those shutdowns will save the state $3.4 billion by 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He suggested on Friday that the forces fighting prison closures — labor unions representing prison employees, the communities dependent on prison jobs, legislation and litigation intended to slow or stop the closures — forced him to take smaller steps than shuttering entire facilities while he crafted his plan to close a projected \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">$27.6 billion deficit\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prison housing unit deactivations can happen much sooner than prison closures and provide us more flexibility,” Newsom said. “Legislative leaders have asked me, are we considering collectively reducing the larger footprint in the state? The answer is yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But we want to do it in a pragmatic and thoughtful way, we want to be mindful of labor concerns and community concerns, we want to be mindful of trends and we want to be mindful of the unknown, meaning there are proposals to roll back some of our criminal justice reforms that could have significant impact on the census and population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California cities fight prison closures\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far, Newsom closed the Deuel Vocational Institution in Tracy in 2021 and the California Correctional Center in Susanville in 2023. He ended a lease with a privately run prison called the California City Correctional Facility, and the corrections department is shutting down Chuckwalla Valley State Prison near the Arizona border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom at Friday’s budget press conference said he would accelerate the proposed March 2025 closure of Chuckwalla prison in Blythe to November, although his office hasn’t yet provided details on how much money that would save the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That news surprised leaders in Blythe, where city officials had attempted to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/05/california-state-prison-closure/\">save the prison\u003c/a> as one of the community’s major employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This news is disheartening to say the least,” said Blythe Interim City Manager Mallory Crecelius. “Expediting the closure was not discussed with the city prior to it being included in the May (revised budget), and we learned about it with everyone else. Our hearts are heavy for the employees and inmates at (Chuckwalla Valley State Prison) whose lives will be directly impacted as this prison is shuttered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the declining inmate headcount, California can close \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/05/california-state-prison-closure/\">up to five more of its 33 prisons\u003c/a> and eight yards within operating prisons while still complying with a federal court order that caps the system’s capacity, the Legislative Analyst’s Office found last year. The report estimated the potential savings at $1 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/01/california-prison-cost-per-inmate/\">costs of incarcerating prisoners\u003c/a>, meanwhile, is more than ever, rising to $132,860 per inmate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those numbers have prompted Democratic lawmakers over the past several years to press for more closures, particularly as they try to protect social services from budget cuts or to put money into inmate rehabilitation programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the people you’re serving in the department continues to go down, why is the cost going up?” Democratic Assemblymeber James Ramos of San Bernardino asked corrections department officials at an April budget hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Prison union sees safety risks in closures\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Amber-Rose Howard, executive director of Californians United for a Responsible Budget, which advocates for reducing the number of prisons and cutting the prison population, said Newsom’s proposal to close yards instead of whole prisons misses an opportunity for bigger savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11985798,news_11985798,news_11981977\"]“The truth is, it doesn’t go far enough,” Howard said. “When only a single yard is closed, then that means that there’s still tens of millions of dollars being spent on operational costs (and) administrative staffing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She noted that the state still has 15,000 empty prison beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These yard deactivation will save $80 million annually,” she said, “and that’s not even equal to the cost savings of one prison closing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has previously said he wanted to maintain some capacity in the prisons to provide more space for rehabilitation efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Correctional Peace Officers Association, the union representing prison guards, has argued that shuttering prisons puts guards and inmates in danger. It’s a heavyweight in the Capitol, and it has supported Newsom. It contributed $1.75 million to help \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article253144638.html\">Newsom defeat a recall campaign\u003c/a> in 2021, and it gave $1 million to back \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2024/03/proposition-1-gavin-newsom-2/\">Newsom’s mental health ballot measure\u003c/a> that voters approved in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Writing in opposition to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2178\">a bill that would limit the number of empty beds\u003c/a> the prison system can maintain, the union said prisons are still holding more inmates than they were designed to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Higher densities of inmates pose substantial risks to CCPOA’s membership, as well as other staff and inmates. The denser the population, the greater the risk of assaults and other acts of violence,” the union wrote.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Gov. Gavin Newsom is recommending small cuts to the state prison system, avoiding the closures of additional facilities.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715480664,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":28,"wordCount":1057},"headData":{"title":"California Could Save Millions by Closing More Prisons. So Why Is Newsom Holding Back? | KQED","description":"Gov. Gavin Newsom is recommending small cuts to the state prison system, avoiding the closures of additional facilities.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California Could Save Millions by Closing More Prisons. So Why Is Newsom Holding Back?","datePublished":"2024-05-12T06:00:31-07:00","dateModified":"2024-05-11T19:24:24-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/nigelduara/\">Nigel Duara\u003c/a>","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11985839/california-could-save-millions-by-closing-more-prisons-so-why-is-newsom-holding-back","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/gavin-newsom/\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> faces a huge deficit this spring, and he has one especially big money-saving option that he’s not using.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s rapidly falling inmate population could allow Newsom to close as many as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/02/how-many-prisons-does-california-need/\">five more prisons\u003c/a>, analysts say, saving $1 billion a year at a moment when he’s pulling from reserves to bring the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/california-budget/\">state budget\u003c/a> into the black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Newsom wants to take a more cautious approach to trimming prison beds. His new budget proposal calls on the corrections department to close 46 housing blocks inside 13 state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison yard closures save money and decrease the need for staffing, but not to the extent of a prison shutdown. Newsom’s proposal would save about $80 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saying his administration had been “scrutinizing” the prisons budget, Newsom said “We’re mindful of the direction we’re going as it relates to public safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the inmate population’s peak in 2006, California locked up 165,000 people in state prisons. Today, after a decade of sentencing changes, federal court intervention and a surge of releases tied to COVID-19, California’s prisons house about 93,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of that trend, Newsom has already moved to close four prisons over the course of his administration. He projects that those shutdowns will save the state $3.4 billion by 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He suggested on Friday that the forces fighting prison closures — labor unions representing prison employees, the communities dependent on prison jobs, legislation and litigation intended to slow or stop the closures — forced him to take smaller steps than shuttering entire facilities while he crafted his plan to close a projected \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">$27.6 billion deficit\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prison housing unit deactivations can happen much sooner than prison closures and provide us more flexibility,” Newsom said. “Legislative leaders have asked me, are we considering collectively reducing the larger footprint in the state? The answer is yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But we want to do it in a pragmatic and thoughtful way, we want to be mindful of labor concerns and community concerns, we want to be mindful of trends and we want to be mindful of the unknown, meaning there are proposals to roll back some of our criminal justice reforms that could have significant impact on the census and population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California cities fight prison closures\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far, Newsom closed the Deuel Vocational Institution in Tracy in 2021 and the California Correctional Center in Susanville in 2023. He ended a lease with a privately run prison called the California City Correctional Facility, and the corrections department is shutting down Chuckwalla Valley State Prison near the Arizona border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom at Friday’s budget press conference said he would accelerate the proposed March 2025 closure of Chuckwalla prison in Blythe to November, although his office hasn’t yet provided details on how much money that would save the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That news surprised leaders in Blythe, where city officials had attempted to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/05/california-state-prison-closure/\">save the prison\u003c/a> as one of the community’s major employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This news is disheartening to say the least,” said Blythe Interim City Manager Mallory Crecelius. “Expediting the closure was not discussed with the city prior to it being included in the May (revised budget), and we learned about it with everyone else. Our hearts are heavy for the employees and inmates at (Chuckwalla Valley State Prison) whose lives will be directly impacted as this prison is shuttered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the declining inmate headcount, California can close \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/05/california-state-prison-closure/\">up to five more of its 33 prisons\u003c/a> and eight yards within operating prisons while still complying with a federal court order that caps the system’s capacity, the Legislative Analyst’s Office found last year. The report estimated the potential savings at $1 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/01/california-prison-cost-per-inmate/\">costs of incarcerating prisoners\u003c/a>, meanwhile, is more than ever, rising to $132,860 per inmate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those numbers have prompted Democratic lawmakers over the past several years to press for more closures, particularly as they try to protect social services from budget cuts or to put money into inmate rehabilitation programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the people you’re serving in the department continues to go down, why is the cost going up?” Democratic Assemblymeber James Ramos of San Bernardino asked corrections department officials at an April budget hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Prison union sees safety risks in closures\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Amber-Rose Howard, executive director of Californians United for a Responsible Budget, which advocates for reducing the number of prisons and cutting the prison population, said Newsom’s proposal to close yards instead of whole prisons misses an opportunity for bigger savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11985798,news_11985798,news_11981977"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The truth is, it doesn’t go far enough,” Howard said. “When only a single yard is closed, then that means that there’s still tens of millions of dollars being spent on operational costs (and) administrative staffing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She noted that the state still has 15,000 empty prison beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These yard deactivation will save $80 million annually,” she said, “and that’s not even equal to the cost savings of one prison closing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has previously said he wanted to maintain some capacity in the prisons to provide more space for rehabilitation efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Correctional Peace Officers Association, the union representing prison guards, has argued that shuttering prisons puts guards and inmates in danger. It’s a heavyweight in the Capitol, and it has supported Newsom. It contributed $1.75 million to help \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article253144638.html\">Newsom defeat a recall campaign\u003c/a> in 2021, and it gave $1 million to back \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2024/03/proposition-1-gavin-newsom-2/\">Newsom’s mental health ballot measure\u003c/a> that voters approved in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Writing in opposition to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2178\">a bill that would limit the number of empty beds\u003c/a> the prison system can maintain, the union said prisons are still holding more inmates than they were designed to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Higher densities of inmates pose substantial risks to CCPOA’s membership, as well as other staff and inmates. The denser the population, the greater the risk of assaults and other acts of violence,” the union wrote.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11985839/california-could-save-millions-by-closing-more-prisons-so-why-is-newsom-holding-back","authors":["byline_news_11985839"],"categories":["news_1758","news_6188","news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_27946","news_402","news_18545","news_25015"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11985840","label":"news_18481"},"news_11985069":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11985069","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11985069","score":null,"sort":[1715022015000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"who-owns-the-apartment-next-door-california-agency-says-it-will-take-millions-to-find-out","title":"Who Owns the Apartment Next Door? California Agency Says it Will Take Millions to Find Out","publishDate":1715022015,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Who Owns the Apartment Next Door? California Agency Says it Will Take Millions to Find Out | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":18481,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Who is the flesh-and-blood landlord with a city-spanning portfolio of apartments concealed behind an obscurely named limited liability company? Who is the proprietor of a local restaurant, hotel or regional car wash chain shrouded beneath a corporate veil?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Who actually owns what in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For three years, a coalition of anti-eviction advocates, unions, legal aid organizations, affordable housing boosters, workers rights groups and pro-transparency activists have been demanding that the state make it easier to answer those questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for three years, those efforts have failed in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of this year’s version, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1201?slug=CA_202320240SB1201\">Senate Bill 1201,\u003c/a> authored by \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/maria-elena-durazo-165445\">Sen. María Elena Durazo\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles Democrat, now worry that their fourth effort will soon meet a similar fate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Businesses operating in California must regularly submit documents to the Secretary of State that list the company’s name and address, along with those of its top managers and anyone responsible for receiving legal filings on the company’s behalf. That information is publicly available on the \u003ca href=\"https://bizfileonline.sos.ca.gov/search/business\">Secretary of State’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durazo’s bill would add an additional disclosure requirement: The names and home or business addresses of “beneficial owners” — defined as anyone who “exercises substantial control” or owns at least 25% of a company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11983000,news_11945744,news_11984610\" label=\"Related Stories\"]As Durazo \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/257789?t=1504&f=9894c3d5281deb91c62d4cf1b0cd7321\">explained at a recent Senate committee hearing\u003c/a>, the bill is “simply adding one line on the forms that anybody fills out…It’s not asking for any more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet last week, the Senate Appropriations Committee, tasked with putting a fiscal price tag on pending legislation, said implementing the bill would cost the state $9.3 million in its first year and nearly $3 million every year after that. The majority of those ongoing expenses would go toward paying the estimated 24 state employees that Secretary of State analysts say are needed to make the bill work. That would represent \u003ca href=\"https://admin.cdn.sos.ca.gov/reports/2024/bus-filing-processing-time-report-march-2024.pdf\">roughly 10% of the agency’s workforce \u003c/a>that now processes business filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though $9 million is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/budget-deficit-california-deal/\">couch cushion change by California budgetary standards\u003c/a>, the bill’s supporters say the number mystifies them. For a 2020 bill requiring the Secretary of State to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3075\">add a different question to the same form\u003c/a>, the fiscal estimate was a mere $561,000 in the first year and $79,000 thereafter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an example of a good governance bill that will fail because of bad governance,” said Jyotswaroop Bawa with the progressive nonprofit Rise Economy, which is sponsoring the bill. “By not collecting beneficial owner information, the Secretary of State’s office is allowing chaos to continue with impunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bawa and other supporters of the bill say publishing ownership information will make it easier for tenants, workers and regulators to track down scofflaw landlords and other business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the bill, which include state and local landlord groups, the California Association of Realtors and the California Chamber of Commerce, argue that it is already easy enough to contact a business and that disclosing the identities of individual owners would violate their privacy and enable harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Secretary of State’s office refused to break down sky-high estimate\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Once a bill receives a big cost estimate, it’s put in a list known\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2017/09/capitol-suspense-california-bills-vanish-almost-without-trace/\"> as the “suspense file.”\u003c/a> Then, in marathon sessions held twice a year, the Assembly and Senate appropriations committees rapidly tick through every bill on that list, passing some along and killing others without debate or a public vote. The first legislative culling of the year is set for mid-May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With its seven-digit cost estimate, Bawa said she worries SB 1201 will be the latest victim of “death by price tag,” especially when the state is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/budget-deficit-california-deal/\">facing a multibillion-dollar deficit\u003c/a>. And it wouldn’t be the first time this idea has died a quiet procedural death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, a bill that would have required companies to unveil their human owners when filing business records with the state \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1199\">didn’t get a hearing\u003c/a>. A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB889\">revived attempt\u003c/a> the next year failed in the Senate after a majority on a key committee \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/digital-democracy/2024/04/california-democrats-no-votes/\">declined to cast a vote “yes” or “no” but simply abstained\u003c/a>. Last year, a third try succumbed to the suspense file after the bill was dinged with a $9 million cost estimate from the Secretary of State’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In coming up with this year’s figure, the Senate \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/202320240SB1201_Senate-Appropriations.pdf\">committee’s fiscal analysis\u003c/a> said it got the estimates from the Secretary of State. Itemized totals include $3 million in “IT project costs” and more than $2 million in “mailing costs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Secretary of State’s office refused to answer specific questions from CalMatters about the bill’s cost estimate but instead responded by email with an unsigned statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Office of the Secretary of State continues to be involved in deliberations and ongoing discussions with legislative staff related to SB 1201. In furtherance of this process, we must respectfully decline to publicly comment on the substantive or fiscal issues associated with the bill at this early point in the legislative process,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the office “did not provide context” for its fiscal breakdown, the committee analysis says, the Secretary of State expressed more detailed concerns over last year’s version of the bill. Back then, the office warned that investigating and verifying the ownership information through a modified form would be costly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, as currently written, does not require the Secretary of State to perform that due diligence, which led an earlier Senate committee to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1201#\">raise concerns about the bill’s effectiveness.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘We could do it for $200’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Corporations and limited liability companies exist in part to ensure that investors in a company aren’t held directly legally responsible for the things that that company does or doesn’t do. If a company maintains unsafe conditions at a rental property, a tenant can sue the company itself, seeking damages from the corporate treasury but not from the business owner’s personal checking account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Publicizing an owner’s name and address, then, doesn’t serve an obvious legal purpose, said Debra Carlton, a spokesperson for the California Apartment Association. Landlords can always be reached through the property management companies they employ. Lawsuits can always be served to a company’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/business-programs/business-entities/service-process\">listed representative.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The point of the corporate veil is that you go after the corporation’s assets” in a lawsuit, said Carlton, but it doesn’t prevent landlords from getting sued. “You see lawsuits every day being brought against the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Silver, a lawyer who represents cities and counties in substandard housing cases, agreed that Durazo’s bill isn’t likely to make his work easier going after negligent landlords. It’s often quicker to serve court papers to a corporation or LLC than “an individual slumlord” who doesn’t have a paper trail or web presence, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a path that leads you from the corporate name to the people who actually own it, ultimately, and we will find them and hold them responsible,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are times when it’s crucial to track down a human business owner quickly, long before matters end up at court, said Larry Brooks, who runs the residential lead prevention program for Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He remembers a case in 2022 when twin toddlers were found living in an old apartment with flaking paint. Lead levels in their blood were so high the children were immediately hospitalized. The twins’ parents, undocumented immigrants, initially refused to put Brooks and his team in touch with the building’s property management company, fearing eviction or deportation, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Brooks began hunting on his own. He turned first to the county assessor’s office to find the property owner’s name, then plugged that name into the Secretary of State’s database. The corporate documents there only listed a street address. Brooks struggled to connect that address with a phone number or email address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, a county nurse persuaded the twins’ mother to share the phone number of a Sacramento-based property management company. That company put Brooks in touch with the owner, a corporation in Texas, he said. The entire process took two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish that there were some state or federal law that required every corporate landlord to have a local contact,” said Brooks, who has also advised Human Impact Partners, a public health nonprofit that supports Durazo’s bill. “In a situation like with the twins, where the blood lead levels were so high they were life-threatening, and the kids had to be rushed to the hospital, you want to be able to call somebody immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks said he couldn’t share additional information about the children or the landlord, citing medical privacy laws and pending litigation. CalMatters was unable to verify the details of the story independently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making it easier to find the name and address of a business owner would provide a treasure trove of data for tenant rights organizations, housing researchers and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2021-02-24/rental-housing-shell-companies-landlords\">investigative reporters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it would also be a boon for would-be harassers and activists, said Carlton. “I can’t figure out what their true purpose is,” she said of the bill’s sponsors. “They want to shame people publicly, maybe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Carlton was also puzzled by the $9 million cost estimate: “I almost felt like saying, ‘We could do it,’” she said. “We could do it for $200.”\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"A legislative effort to force LLCs and corporations to publicly disclose their owners publicly faces a surprising obstacle: A massive cost estimate from the Secretary of State.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715026267,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":37,"wordCount":1673},"headData":{"title":"Who Owns the Apartment Next Door? California Agency Says it Will Take Millions to Find Out | KQED","description":"A legislative effort to force LLCs and corporations to publicly disclose their owners publicly faces a surprising obstacle: A massive cost estimate from the Secretary of State.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Who Owns the Apartment Next Door? California Agency Says it Will Take Millions to Find Out","datePublished":"2024-05-06T12:00:15-07:00","dateModified":"2024-05-06T13:11:07-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"Ben Christopher, CalMatters","nprStoryId":"kqed-11985069","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11985069/who-owns-the-apartment-next-door-california-agency-says-it-will-take-millions-to-find-out","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Who is the flesh-and-blood landlord with a city-spanning portfolio of apartments concealed behind an obscurely named limited liability company? Who is the proprietor of a local restaurant, hotel or regional car wash chain shrouded beneath a corporate veil?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Who actually owns what in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For three years, a coalition of anti-eviction advocates, unions, legal aid organizations, affordable housing boosters, workers rights groups and pro-transparency activists have been demanding that the state make it easier to answer those questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for three years, those efforts have failed in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of this year’s version, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1201?slug=CA_202320240SB1201\">Senate Bill 1201,\u003c/a> authored by \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/maria-elena-durazo-165445\">Sen. María Elena Durazo\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles Democrat, now worry that their fourth effort will soon meet a similar fate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Businesses operating in California must regularly submit documents to the Secretary of State that list the company’s name and address, along with those of its top managers and anyone responsible for receiving legal filings on the company’s behalf. That information is publicly available on the \u003ca href=\"https://bizfileonline.sos.ca.gov/search/business\">Secretary of State’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durazo’s bill would add an additional disclosure requirement: The names and home or business addresses of “beneficial owners” — defined as anyone who “exercises substantial control” or owns at least 25% of a company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11983000,news_11945744,news_11984610","label":"Related Stories "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>As Durazo \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/257789?t=1504&f=9894c3d5281deb91c62d4cf1b0cd7321\">explained at a recent Senate committee hearing\u003c/a>, the bill is “simply adding one line on the forms that anybody fills out…It’s not asking for any more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet last week, the Senate Appropriations Committee, tasked with putting a fiscal price tag on pending legislation, said implementing the bill would cost the state $9.3 million in its first year and nearly $3 million every year after that. The majority of those ongoing expenses would go toward paying the estimated 24 state employees that Secretary of State analysts say are needed to make the bill work. That would represent \u003ca href=\"https://admin.cdn.sos.ca.gov/reports/2024/bus-filing-processing-time-report-march-2024.pdf\">roughly 10% of the agency’s workforce \u003c/a>that now processes business filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though $9 million is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/budget-deficit-california-deal/\">couch cushion change by California budgetary standards\u003c/a>, the bill’s supporters say the number mystifies them. For a 2020 bill requiring the Secretary of State to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3075\">add a different question to the same form\u003c/a>, the fiscal estimate was a mere $561,000 in the first year and $79,000 thereafter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an example of a good governance bill that will fail because of bad governance,” said Jyotswaroop Bawa with the progressive nonprofit Rise Economy, which is sponsoring the bill. “By not collecting beneficial owner information, the Secretary of State’s office is allowing chaos to continue with impunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bawa and other supporters of the bill say publishing ownership information will make it easier for tenants, workers and regulators to track down scofflaw landlords and other business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the bill, which include state and local landlord groups, the California Association of Realtors and the California Chamber of Commerce, argue that it is already easy enough to contact a business and that disclosing the identities of individual owners would violate their privacy and enable harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Secretary of State’s office refused to break down sky-high estimate\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Once a bill receives a big cost estimate, it’s put in a list known\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2017/09/capitol-suspense-california-bills-vanish-almost-without-trace/\"> as the “suspense file.”\u003c/a> Then, in marathon sessions held twice a year, the Assembly and Senate appropriations committees rapidly tick through every bill on that list, passing some along and killing others without debate or a public vote. The first legislative culling of the year is set for mid-May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With its seven-digit cost estimate, Bawa said she worries SB 1201 will be the latest victim of “death by price tag,” especially when the state is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/budget-deficit-california-deal/\">facing a multibillion-dollar deficit\u003c/a>. And it wouldn’t be the first time this idea has died a quiet procedural death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, a bill that would have required companies to unveil their human owners when filing business records with the state \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1199\">didn’t get a hearing\u003c/a>. A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB889\">revived attempt\u003c/a> the next year failed in the Senate after a majority on a key committee \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/digital-democracy/2024/04/california-democrats-no-votes/\">declined to cast a vote “yes” or “no” but simply abstained\u003c/a>. Last year, a third try succumbed to the suspense file after the bill was dinged with a $9 million cost estimate from the Secretary of State’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In coming up with this year’s figure, the Senate \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/202320240SB1201_Senate-Appropriations.pdf\">committee’s fiscal analysis\u003c/a> said it got the estimates from the Secretary of State. Itemized totals include $3 million in “IT project costs” and more than $2 million in “mailing costs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Secretary of State’s office refused to answer specific questions from CalMatters about the bill’s cost estimate but instead responded by email with an unsigned statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Office of the Secretary of State continues to be involved in deliberations and ongoing discussions with legislative staff related to SB 1201. In furtherance of this process, we must respectfully decline to publicly comment on the substantive or fiscal issues associated with the bill at this early point in the legislative process,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the office “did not provide context” for its fiscal breakdown, the committee analysis says, the Secretary of State expressed more detailed concerns over last year’s version of the bill. Back then, the office warned that investigating and verifying the ownership information through a modified form would be costly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, as currently written, does not require the Secretary of State to perform that due diligence, which led an earlier Senate committee to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1201#\">raise concerns about the bill’s effectiveness.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘We could do it for $200’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Corporations and limited liability companies exist in part to ensure that investors in a company aren’t held directly legally responsible for the things that that company does or doesn’t do. If a company maintains unsafe conditions at a rental property, a tenant can sue the company itself, seeking damages from the corporate treasury but not from the business owner’s personal checking account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Publicizing an owner’s name and address, then, doesn’t serve an obvious legal purpose, said Debra Carlton, a spokesperson for the California Apartment Association. Landlords can always be reached through the property management companies they employ. Lawsuits can always be served to a company’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/business-programs/business-entities/service-process\">listed representative.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The point of the corporate veil is that you go after the corporation’s assets” in a lawsuit, said Carlton, but it doesn’t prevent landlords from getting sued. “You see lawsuits every day being brought against the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Silver, a lawyer who represents cities and counties in substandard housing cases, agreed that Durazo’s bill isn’t likely to make his work easier going after negligent landlords. It’s often quicker to serve court papers to a corporation or LLC than “an individual slumlord” who doesn’t have a paper trail or web presence, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a path that leads you from the corporate name to the people who actually own it, ultimately, and we will find them and hold them responsible,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are times when it’s crucial to track down a human business owner quickly, long before matters end up at court, said Larry Brooks, who runs the residential lead prevention program for Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He remembers a case in 2022 when twin toddlers were found living in an old apartment with flaking paint. Lead levels in their blood were so high the children were immediately hospitalized. The twins’ parents, undocumented immigrants, initially refused to put Brooks and his team in touch with the building’s property management company, fearing eviction or deportation, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Brooks began hunting on his own. He turned first to the county assessor’s office to find the property owner’s name, then plugged that name into the Secretary of State’s database. The corporate documents there only listed a street address. Brooks struggled to connect that address with a phone number or email address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, a county nurse persuaded the twins’ mother to share the phone number of a Sacramento-based property management company. That company put Brooks in touch with the owner, a corporation in Texas, he said. The entire process took two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish that there were some state or federal law that required every corporate landlord to have a local contact,” said Brooks, who has also advised Human Impact Partners, a public health nonprofit that supports Durazo’s bill. “In a situation like with the twins, where the blood lead levels were so high they were life-threatening, and the kids had to be rushed to the hospital, you want to be able to call somebody immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks said he couldn’t share additional information about the children or the landlord, citing medical privacy laws and pending litigation. CalMatters was unable to verify the details of the story independently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making it easier to find the name and address of a business owner would provide a treasure trove of data for tenant rights organizations, housing researchers and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2021-02-24/rental-housing-shell-companies-landlords\">investigative reporters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it would also be a boon for would-be harassers and activists, said Carlton. “I can’t figure out what their true purpose is,” she said of the bill’s sponsors. “They want to shame people publicly, maybe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Carlton was also puzzled by the $9 million cost estimate: “I almost felt like saying, ‘We could do it,’” she said. “We could do it for $200.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11985069/who-owns-the-apartment-next-door-california-agency-says-it-will-take-millions-to-find-out","authors":["byline_news_11985069"],"categories":["news_6266","news_8"],"tags":["news_28458","news_1775","news_1852"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11985077","label":"news_18481"},"news_11985022":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11985022","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11985022","score":null,"sort":[1714820449000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"california-voters-to-decide-on-adding-financial-literacy-course-to-high-school-curriculum","title":"Should Kids Learn Financial Literacy in School? California Voters May Decide","publishDate":1714820449,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Should Kids Learn Financial Literacy in School? California Voters May Decide | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>School curriculum is usually the purview of education experts, but this fall, it could be decided by California voters, who will vote on adding a new requirement for high school students: a one-semester class in managing personal finances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Secretary of State is poised to certify that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.financialed4ca.com/_files/ugd/ddc900_30f9026dbbfc41da84354dffd0155870.pdf\">California Personal Finance Act\u003c/a> is eligible for the November ballot, which would add financial literacy to the list of high school graduation requirements beginning with the class of 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students would learn about paying for college, online banking, taxes, budgeting, credit, retirement accounts, loans, how the stock market works and other topics. The issue is critical, organizers said, as students face a shifting economy and difficult decisions about college, careers and their futures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one comes out of the womb knowing how to manage their credit score. It has to be taught,” said Tim Ranzetta, co-founder of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ngpf.org/\">personal finance education nonprofit\u003c/a> and a chief backer of the initiative. “And right now, there’s a dramatic gap between what students know and what they need to know. We have to change that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters seem to agree with him. A 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://www.nefe.org/news/2022/04/financial-education-mandates.aspx\">survey\u003c/a> of adults nationwide showed that nearly 90% support a financial literacy requirement in high school, and nearly as many wished they had taken such a course when they were students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not surprising, considering the financial woes many people incur. The average \u003ca href=\"https://www.lendingtree.com/credit-cards/credit-card-debt-statistics/\">credit card debt in California\u003c/a> is $8,366, the sixth-highest rate in the country, and 1 in 6 borrowers nationwide are \u003ca href=\"https://www.newamerica.org/education-policy/edcentral/millions-spend-years-in-student-loan-default/#:~:text=Almost%207%20million%20people%2C%20about,270%20days'%20worth%20of%20payments.\">in default on their student loans\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Financial literacy already in classrooms\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>However, some education experts have pushed back, not because they’re opposed to financial literacy for students but because they question whether voters are best equipped to dictate what’s taught in classrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, the state’s History-Social Studies framework includes a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ci/hs/cf/documents/hssfwchapter18.pdf\">one-semester course in economics\u003c/a>, required for graduation, that covers much of the same material proposed by the financial literacy ballot initiative proponents. Financial literacy is also included in the first, second and ninth grade curriculum. First graders, for example, learn that money can be exchanged for goods and services, and people decide how to spend their money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Ranzetta said the curriculum, last updated in 2017, doesn’t focus enough on financial literacy. Personal finance is covered for only a few weeks in the economics course; the rest covers more abstract economic concepts like international trade, resource allocation and the benefits and drawbacks of capitalism. Individual teachers can choose how much they want to focus on certain topics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Superintendent Tony Thurmond wouldn’t answer questions about the ballot initiative, although he endorsed it. Linda Darling-Hammond, president of the State Board of Education, also wouldn’t answer questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Leaving curriculum decisions to voters is ‘a bad idea’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposed ballot initiative so far has almost zero opposition, but some are questioning the idea of letting voters — and not education experts — decide what students learn in the classroom. Ordinarily, the curriculum in California is developed by a group of teachers and subject-matter professionals who serve on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/be/cc/cd/\">Instructional Quality Commission\u003c/a>, which meets publicly six times a year. A new curriculum is subject to multiple reviews, edits and public vetting, ultimately going before the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/be/\">State Board of Education\u003c/a> for adoption. Local school boards can adjust the curriculum according to the needs of their students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most voters don’t know much about education policy, and having them decide what can be taught in schools is a bad idea,” said Morgan Polikoff, an education professor at the University of Southern California. “We already have a process in place for adopting curriculum, and if people are unhappy with it, there are plenty of avenues to have their voices heard — they can go to meetings, they can vote people out of office, they can talk to their representatives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polikoff worries that adopting curriculum through ballot initiatives could set a dangerous precedent. Religious or anti-LGBTQ curriculum, for example, could be approved by voters, setting up costly and lengthy legal showdowns with the state Department of Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Curriculum can be complicated, as well. When writing new curricula, the Instructional Quality Commission looks at the broader context, ensuring students get new material every year that builds on what they learned previously, subjects don’t overlap and topics are flexible enough for teachers to adapt lessons to the individual needs of their students. Textbooks and tests are also taken into consideration.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Legislature weighs in\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Most curriculum updates and changes originate with the commission, but sometimes the Legislature weighs in. The state’s new \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2021/10/ethnic-studies-requirement/\">ethnic studies\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2023/11/fake-news-california-school/\">media literacy\u003c/a> requirements, for example, stemmed from Assembly bills. Another bill, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2097?slug=CA_202320240AB2097\">AB 2097\u003c/a>, would add computer science as a graduation requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2927?slug=CA_202320240AB2927\">AB 2927\u003c/a>, a financial literacy bill proposed by Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/kevin-mccarty-22\">Kevin McCarty\u003c/a> of Sacramento, would actually do almost the same thing as the ballot initiative. The bill would require financial literacy as a graduation requirement, although it would go into effect until 2031, a year later than the ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bruce Fuller, an education professor at UC Berkeley, said he worries about the increasing politicization of curriculum — either from the Legislature or those pushing for ballot initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have these political interests unabashedly trying to control what’s taught in the classroom instead of leaving it up to teachers and locally elected school boards,” Fuller said. “We should trust those folks to devise a thoughtful curriculum that’s appropriate for their students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also questioned the ever-growing list of graduation requirements. High schools only offer six or seven class periods a day, and with more required classes, there’s less room for art and other electives. Some districts have started adding an extra period so students can fit in all the classes they need to take to graduate, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/04/career-pathways/\">finish a career pathway\u003c/a> and qualify for California’s public universities.[aside postID=news_11984551 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-SAT-III-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“I’m not sure how adding more required classes is going to motivate restless teenagers,” Fuller said. “With more requirements, we’re giving them almost no chance to study things they’re actually interested in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCarty’s bill is not the Legislature’s first attempt to wade into financial literacy. A dozen bills requiring financial literacy have died or been vetoed in recent years, in most cases because the financial literacy curriculum already exists and the state already has a system for adopting the curriculum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Gov. Jerry Brown wrote in 2018 when he \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB858\">vetoed a bill\u003c/a> that would have made financial literacy materials available to teachers: “This bill is unnecessary. The History-Social Science Framework already contains financial literacy content for pupils in kindergarten through grade 12, as well as a financial literacy elective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ranzetta said the Legislature’s inability to pass a financial literacy curriculum spurred him to take the matter directly to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I recognize the value of the process, but it’s slow, and so far, it hasn’t worked in California,” he said. “The issue is too urgent and too popular to wait any longer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ranzetta grew up in New Jersey, where his father was a banker, and his mother was a community volunteer who raised six children. He learned financial literacy from his parents and assumed other young people did, too. It wasn’t until he started volunteering at an East Palo Alto high school that he realized many students are clueless about money and that ignorance can hamper them throughout their lives. But they were eager to learn, he said, and share the information with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience inspired him to start NextGen Personal Finance, which offers free financial literacy curriculum and training for teachers. At least 7,000 teachers in California and more than 100,000 nationwide have participated, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A class that demystifies money\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Berkeley High School, Crystal Rigley Janis teaches two economics classes and three personal finance classes. Her classes cover topics she wishes she had known as a young person, such as negotiating a salary, not relying on gut instinct when investing, and avoiding individual stocks in favor of index funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It took me 15 years to understand those things, and it probably cost me millions of dollars,” said Rigley, who worked for several years at a wealth management firm before going into teaching. “I don’t want other people to make the mistakes I did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985029\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985029\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMFinance02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMFinance02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMFinance02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMFinance02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMFinance02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMFinance02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMFinance02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students walk in the main entrance of Berkeley High School in Berkeley on May 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Laure Andrillon/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eliza Maier, a senior, was so inspired by Rigley’s class that she opened a Roth IRA when she turned 18 and transferred money from her low-interest savings account. The class, she said, helped demystify money and its role in major life choices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We learned that money isn’t good or bad — it’s a tool,” Maier said. “It can help you realize your goals. It can help you be prepared for whatever happens in your life. I didn’t know anything about money when I started taking this class, but I think it’s so important, especially for high school students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"California's Secretary of State is poised to certify the California Personal Finance Act for November’s ballot, which would add financial literacy to high school graduation requirements beginning with the class of 2030.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1714780996,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":31,"wordCount":1626},"headData":{"title":"Should Kids Learn Financial Literacy in School? California Voters May Decide | KQED","description":"California's Secretary of State is poised to certify the California Personal Finance Act for November’s ballot, which would add financial literacy to high school graduation requirements beginning with the class of 2030.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Should Kids Learn Financial Literacy in School? California Voters May Decide","datePublished":"2024-05-04T04:00:49-07:00","dateModified":"2024-05-03T17:03:16-07:00","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"True","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"CalMatters","sourceUrl":"https://calmatters.org/","sticky":false,"nprByline":"Carolyn Jones, CalMatters","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11985022/california-voters-to-decide-on-adding-financial-literacy-course-to-high-school-curriculum","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>School curriculum is usually the purview of education experts, but this fall, it could be decided by California voters, who will vote on adding a new requirement for high school students: a one-semester class in managing personal finances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Secretary of State is poised to certify that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.financialed4ca.com/_files/ugd/ddc900_30f9026dbbfc41da84354dffd0155870.pdf\">California Personal Finance Act\u003c/a> is eligible for the November ballot, which would add financial literacy to the list of high school graduation requirements beginning with the class of 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students would learn about paying for college, online banking, taxes, budgeting, credit, retirement accounts, loans, how the stock market works and other topics. The issue is critical, organizers said, as students face a shifting economy and difficult decisions about college, careers and their futures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one comes out of the womb knowing how to manage their credit score. It has to be taught,” said Tim Ranzetta, co-founder of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ngpf.org/\">personal finance education nonprofit\u003c/a> and a chief backer of the initiative. “And right now, there’s a dramatic gap between what students know and what they need to know. We have to change that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters seem to agree with him. A 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://www.nefe.org/news/2022/04/financial-education-mandates.aspx\">survey\u003c/a> of adults nationwide showed that nearly 90% support a financial literacy requirement in high school, and nearly as many wished they had taken such a course when they were students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not surprising, considering the financial woes many people incur. The average \u003ca href=\"https://www.lendingtree.com/credit-cards/credit-card-debt-statistics/\">credit card debt in California\u003c/a> is $8,366, the sixth-highest rate in the country, and 1 in 6 borrowers nationwide are \u003ca href=\"https://www.newamerica.org/education-policy/edcentral/millions-spend-years-in-student-loan-default/#:~:text=Almost%207%20million%20people%2C%20about,270%20days'%20worth%20of%20payments.\">in default on their student loans\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Financial literacy already in classrooms\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>However, some education experts have pushed back, not because they’re opposed to financial literacy for students but because they question whether voters are best equipped to dictate what’s taught in classrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, the state’s History-Social Studies framework includes a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ci/hs/cf/documents/hssfwchapter18.pdf\">one-semester course in economics\u003c/a>, required for graduation, that covers much of the same material proposed by the financial literacy ballot initiative proponents. Financial literacy is also included in the first, second and ninth grade curriculum. First graders, for example, learn that money can be exchanged for goods and services, and people decide how to spend their money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Ranzetta said the curriculum, last updated in 2017, doesn’t focus enough on financial literacy. Personal finance is covered for only a few weeks in the economics course; the rest covers more abstract economic concepts like international trade, resource allocation and the benefits and drawbacks of capitalism. Individual teachers can choose how much they want to focus on certain topics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Superintendent Tony Thurmond wouldn’t answer questions about the ballot initiative, although he endorsed it. Linda Darling-Hammond, president of the State Board of Education, also wouldn’t answer questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Leaving curriculum decisions to voters is ‘a bad idea’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposed ballot initiative so far has almost zero opposition, but some are questioning the idea of letting voters — and not education experts — decide what students learn in the classroom. Ordinarily, the curriculum in California is developed by a group of teachers and subject-matter professionals who serve on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/be/cc/cd/\">Instructional Quality Commission\u003c/a>, which meets publicly six times a year. A new curriculum is subject to multiple reviews, edits and public vetting, ultimately going before the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/be/\">State Board of Education\u003c/a> for adoption. Local school boards can adjust the curriculum according to the needs of their students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most voters don’t know much about education policy, and having them decide what can be taught in schools is a bad idea,” said Morgan Polikoff, an education professor at the University of Southern California. “We already have a process in place for adopting curriculum, and if people are unhappy with it, there are plenty of avenues to have their voices heard — they can go to meetings, they can vote people out of office, they can talk to their representatives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polikoff worries that adopting curriculum through ballot initiatives could set a dangerous precedent. Religious or anti-LGBTQ curriculum, for example, could be approved by voters, setting up costly and lengthy legal showdowns with the state Department of Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Curriculum can be complicated, as well. When writing new curricula, the Instructional Quality Commission looks at the broader context, ensuring students get new material every year that builds on what they learned previously, subjects don’t overlap and topics are flexible enough for teachers to adapt lessons to the individual needs of their students. Textbooks and tests are also taken into consideration.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Legislature weighs in\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Most curriculum updates and changes originate with the commission, but sometimes the Legislature weighs in. The state’s new \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2021/10/ethnic-studies-requirement/\">ethnic studies\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2023/11/fake-news-california-school/\">media literacy\u003c/a> requirements, for example, stemmed from Assembly bills. Another bill, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2097?slug=CA_202320240AB2097\">AB 2097\u003c/a>, would add computer science as a graduation requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2927?slug=CA_202320240AB2927\">AB 2927\u003c/a>, a financial literacy bill proposed by Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/kevin-mccarty-22\">Kevin McCarty\u003c/a> of Sacramento, would actually do almost the same thing as the ballot initiative. The bill would require financial literacy as a graduation requirement, although it would go into effect until 2031, a year later than the ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bruce Fuller, an education professor at UC Berkeley, said he worries about the increasing politicization of curriculum — either from the Legislature or those pushing for ballot initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have these political interests unabashedly trying to control what’s taught in the classroom instead of leaving it up to teachers and locally elected school boards,” Fuller said. “We should trust those folks to devise a thoughtful curriculum that’s appropriate for their students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also questioned the ever-growing list of graduation requirements. High schools only offer six or seven class periods a day, and with more required classes, there’s less room for art and other electives. Some districts have started adding an extra period so students can fit in all the classes they need to take to graduate, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/04/career-pathways/\">finish a career pathway\u003c/a> and qualify for California’s public universities.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11984551","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240423-SAT-III-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I’m not sure how adding more required classes is going to motivate restless teenagers,” Fuller said. “With more requirements, we’re giving them almost no chance to study things they’re actually interested in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCarty’s bill is not the Legislature’s first attempt to wade into financial literacy. A dozen bills requiring financial literacy have died or been vetoed in recent years, in most cases because the financial literacy curriculum already exists and the state already has a system for adopting the curriculum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Gov. Jerry Brown wrote in 2018 when he \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB858\">vetoed a bill\u003c/a> that would have made financial literacy materials available to teachers: “This bill is unnecessary. The History-Social Science Framework already contains financial literacy content for pupils in kindergarten through grade 12, as well as a financial literacy elective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ranzetta said the Legislature’s inability to pass a financial literacy curriculum spurred him to take the matter directly to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I recognize the value of the process, but it’s slow, and so far, it hasn’t worked in California,” he said. “The issue is too urgent and too popular to wait any longer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ranzetta grew up in New Jersey, where his father was a banker, and his mother was a community volunteer who raised six children. He learned financial literacy from his parents and assumed other young people did, too. It wasn’t until he started volunteering at an East Palo Alto high school that he realized many students are clueless about money and that ignorance can hamper them throughout their lives. But they were eager to learn, he said, and share the information with their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience inspired him to start NextGen Personal Finance, which offers free financial literacy curriculum and training for teachers. At least 7,000 teachers in California and more than 100,000 nationwide have participated, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A class that demystifies money\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Berkeley High School, Crystal Rigley Janis teaches two economics classes and three personal finance classes. Her classes cover topics she wishes she had known as a young person, such as negotiating a salary, not relying on gut instinct when investing, and avoiding individual stocks in favor of index funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It took me 15 years to understand those things, and it probably cost me millions of dollars,” said Rigley, who worked for several years at a wealth management firm before going into teaching. “I don’t want other people to make the mistakes I did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985029\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985029\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMFinance02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMFinance02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMFinance02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMFinance02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMFinance02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMFinance02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMFinance02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students walk in the main entrance of Berkeley High School in Berkeley on May 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Laure Andrillon/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eliza Maier, a senior, was so inspired by Rigley’s class that she opened a Roth IRA when she turned 18 and transferred money from her low-interest savings account. The class, she said, helped demystify money and its role in major life choices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We learned that money isn’t good or bad — it’s a tool,” Maier said. “It can help you realize your goals. It can help you be prepared for whatever happens in your life. I didn’t know anything about money when I started taking this class, but I think it’s so important, especially for high school students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11985022/california-voters-to-decide-on-adding-financial-literacy-course-to-high-school-curriculum","authors":["byline_news_11985022"],"categories":["news_18540","news_8"],"tags":["news_18538","news_20013","news_2619"],"affiliates":["news_18481"],"featImg":"news_11985024","label":"source_news_11985022"}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.","airtime":"SUN 2pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.possible.fm/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"Possible"},"link":"/radio/program/possible","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/possible/id1677184070","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"}},"1a":{"id":"1a","title":"1A","info":"1A is home to the national conversation. 1A brings on great guests and frames the best debate in ways that make you think, share and engage.","airtime":"MON-THU 11pm-12am","imageSrc":"https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/1a.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://the1a.org/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"npr"},"link":"/radio/program/1a","subscribe":{"npr":"https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/RBrW","apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=1188724250&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/1A-p947376/","rss":"https://feeds.npr.org/510316/podcast.xml"}},"all-things-considered":{"id":"all-things-considered","title":"All Things Considered","info":"Every weekday, \u003cem>All Things Considered\u003c/em> hosts Robert Siegel, Audie Cornish, Ari Shapiro, and Kelly McEvers present the program's trademark mix of news, interviews, commentaries, reviews, and offbeat features. 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You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","imageAlt":"KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn","officialWebsiteLink":"/mindshift/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"2"},"link":"/podcasts/mindshift","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5","npr":"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast","stitcher":"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/0MxSpNYZKNprFLCl7eEtyx"}},"morning-edition":{"id":"morning-edition","title":"Morning Edition","info":"\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. 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On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","imageAlt":"On Our Watch from NPR and KQED","officialWebsiteLink":"/podcasts/onourwatch","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"1"},"link":"/podcasts/onourwatch","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw","npr":"https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/onourwatch","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/0OLWoyizopu6tY1XiuX70x","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/On-Our-Watch-p1436229/","stitcher":"https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch","rss":"https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"}},"on-the-media":{"id":"on-the-media","title":"On The Media","info":"Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. 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